Donald Trump and Elon Musk keep claiming that their scorched-earth approach to remaking the federal government is made necessary by the prevalence of fraud and waste. Musk’s DOGE attack-squad tabulates its progress on a Wall of Receipts that currently purports to have saved Uncle Sam $65 billion.

That number appears to have been plucked out of thin air. The savings for the 2,300 individual contracts listed on the site add up to only $9.6 billion, and even that amount is shaky. For example, the single biggest savings, $1.9 billion, is attached to a Treasury Department contract that is reported to have ended during the Biden Administration.

DOGE gives no details of any fraud it may have found in the contracts. That is not surprising, since it is impossible to have done a careful examination of that many contracts in such a short amount of time.

Large numbers of the contracts are linked to agencies the Trump Administration is in the process of dismantling. USAID accounts for 246 contracts with total purported savings of $4.2 billion. The Consumer Financial Protection Bureau has 404 listings with savings of $109 million. The Education Department, reported to be headed for the chopping block, has 119 contracts with supposed savings of $659 million.

What we see in DOGE is instead the illusion of an attack on corruption that serves as a smokescreen for the Trump Administration’s scheme to dismantle large portions of the federal government.

It seems clear DOGE targeted those contracts because of the agency involved, not any evidence of misconduct. Among the remaining 769 contracts, there are many that seem to be targeted for ideological reasons. They include numerous awards whose descriptions refer to now-taboo areas such as DEI or environmental justice.

There are more than 100 listings for subscriptions, especially for expensive services such as Politico, Bloomberg Law, and Lexis Nexis. Those may not always be worth the cost, but there is nothing corrupt about the need for an agency to have good access to information.

Then there are listings for contracts that have not gone into effect. The second biggest saving amount, $318 million, is attached to an Office of Personnel Management pre-award. How can there be fraud when there is no contractor yet?

DOGE’s list also contains numerous entries with obvious errors. These include instances in which there are two links pointing to different contract awards, making it unclear which one is meant to be included. For example, there is a $149 million savings connected both to a contractor called Advanced Automation Technologies Inc. (for three assistants) and to Airgas USA for refrigerated liquid gases.

By pointing to DOGE’s sloppy work, I do not mean to deny the existence of contract fraud. The problem is that Musk’s people, whether through ignorance or design, are looking in the wrong places. They seem to be ignoring the types of large contractors that have repeatedly been found to have cheated federal agencies.

The classic examples are the big weapons producers. As of now, DOGE lists only $8 million in savings from Defense Department contracts—and those are mainly from DEI awards and subscriptions. The same is true for the Department of Health and Human Services, even though healthcare is a major source of contractor fraud.

What gets forgotten in the claims about fraud coming from Trump and Musk is that the federal government already had a robust system for fighting contractor misconduct. Audits were done by agency inspectors general—who have now been fired by Trump—and prosecutions were launched by the Justice Department using the False Claims Act. Over the past decade, the DOJ has collected about $30 billion in fines and settlements.

That is serious fraud fighting. What we see in DOGE is instead the illusion of an attack on corruption that serves as a smokescreen for the Trump Administration’s scheme to dismantle large portions of the federal government. It remains to be seen how long they can keep up the charade.

This piece was originally published in the Dirt Diggers Digest newsletter.

The meeting between Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and President Trump at the White House devolved into a “shouting match” in the Oval Office. Trump and Vice President J.D. Vance criticized Zelenskyy’s approach, with Trump accusing him of “gambling with World War III.” Meanwhile, Zelenskyy voiced concerns that deals with Russia would not be kept and that Ukraine needed stronger security guarantees.

The recent clash between the two wasn’t merely a diplomatic hiccup; it was a stark illustration of the West’s eroding credibility and the precarious position in which Ukraine finds itself. The fallout from this meeting reverberates far beyond the walls of the Oval Office, exposing deep fissures and eliciting widespread repercussions that shake the very foundations of the global order.

The spectacle of a U.S. president publicly berating a wartime leader, culminating in Zelenskyy’s abrupt dismissal from the White House, shattered the carefully constructed image of unwavering Western support for Ukraine. This public display of discord sent shockwaves through the international community, raising serious questions about the reliability of U.S. commitments and the cohesion of the Western alliance.

The Trump-Zelenskyy clash serves as a stark warning.

For years, the West has presented a united front against Russia, pledging unwavering support for Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. This carefully crafted narrative, however, crumbled under the weight of the Trump-Zelenskyy confrontation. The heated exchange, marked by accusations of ingratitude and demands for concessions, exposed a stark reality: the West’s commitment to Ukraine is not monolithic, and national interests often trump shared values.

The incident has severely damaged Ukraine’s trust in its Western allies. Zelenskyy, who has tirelessly sought international support for his nation’s defense, was publicly humiliated by a U.S. president who prioritized his own political agenda over the plight of a war-torn nation. The abrupt cancellation of the critical minerals deal between the United States and Ukraine, while presented as diplomatic fallout, exposes a potentially darker reality: the exploitation of a nation in crisis. Instead of a mutually beneficial partnership, the deal’s collapse reveals the inherent risks of resource extraction during wartime.

Beyond the immediate impact on Ukraine, the Trump-Zelenskyy clash has widened the fissures within the transatlantic relationship. European allies, who have consistently demonstrated strong solidarity with Ukraine, watched in dismay as their most powerful partner publicly undermined a key ally.

The European Union has reaffirmed its unwavering support for Ukraine. Publicly, through statements and social media, EU officials emphasized solidarity and continued commitment to a “just and lasting peace.” This display of backing seeks to counterbalance the perceived U.S. shift, reassuring Ukraine of its enduring partnership. The EU’s message underscored Ukraine’s dignity and bravery, aiming to bolster morale and reinforce the notion that Ukraine is not alone. This strategic move highlights the EU’s attempt to solidify its role as a steadfast ally, amidst evolving geopolitical dynamics.

This incident has fueled anxieties about the reliability of U.S. leadership and the future of the transatlantic alliance. European leaders are now left to grapple with the implications of a more assertive and unpredictable US foreign policy, raising concerns about the West’s collective ability to respond effectively to global challenges.

The international community reacted to the White House debacle with a chorus of disapproval. Global leaders and commentators alike condemned the Trump administration’s actions, expressing concern over the erosion of diplomatic norms and the potential for further destabilizing the already volatile security environment. The incident has fueled criticism of the West’s handling of the Ukrainian crisis, with many questioning the efficacy and sincerity of Western support.

The repercussions of the Trump-Zelenskyy clash extend far beyond the immediate fallout. It has eroded trust in Western leadership, undermined the credibility of international diplomacy, and left Ukraine in a more precarious position. The incident serves as a stark reminder that the foundations of the global order are fragile and susceptible to the whims of individual leaders..

The Trump-Zelenskyy clash is not merely an isolated incident but a symptom of a deeper malaise within the Western alliance. The erosion of trust, the rise of nationalism, and the increasing divergence of national interests are all contributing to a weakening of the transatlantic partnership. This trend poses significant challenges to the West’s ability to address global threats.

For China, this diplomatic debacle presents a significant opportunity to observe the fracturing of Western unity. The visible discord between Ukraine and the United States reinforces China’s narrative of a declining West and a shifting global power balance. This perceived weakness in the Western alliance provides China with strategic leverage. The erosion of Western credibility also allows China to position itself as a more reliable partner for nations wary of Western influence, especially in the Global South. However, China must also be mindful that instability stemming from such discord could create unforeseen challenges for its own economic and geopolitical interests.

The Trump-Zelenskyy clash serves as a stark warning. It underscores the fragility of alliances, the dangers of unchecked nationalism, and the importance of upholding diplomatic norms. The international community must learn from this episode and work to rebuild trust, strengthen alliances, and reaffirm its commitment to a rules-based international order. The stakes could not be higher.

This past week began on a deeply disturbing note. Elon Musk reposted on X (formerly Twitter) a dangerously false attack on more than a dozen American entities who had received USAID or State Department grants over the past decade. The original post referred to the groups as “terrorist-linked.” In his repost Musk commented, “As many people have said, why pay terrorist organizations and certain countries to hate us when they’re perfectly willing to do it for free?”

The groups listed in the original post had apparently been compiled by an individual with an anti-Arab or anti-Muslim bias. He appears to have gone through a list of grant recipients and randomly culled out entities with “Arab” or “Muslim” in their name or who had done work in the Middle East. I don’t know all of the groups mentioned, but those I do know—for example, American Near East Refugee Aid (ANERA)—have been in the forefront of providing lifesaving support to refugees or victims of war or natural disasters, and, in the process, building better ties between the U.S. and affected communities in need across the Middle East. Other groups I recognized had equally important, impressive records of service.

What was obviously most troubling to me was that my organization, the Arab American Institute, was second on the list. This was upsetting for two reasons: The charge was profoundly off-base and irresponsibly dangerous.

As welcoming and inclusive as the U.S. can be, we also must acknowledge that our country has a history of hate and violence, a disproportionate amount of which in recent decades has been directed at Arab Americans and supporters of Palestinian rights.

The fact is that the institute received a State Department grant in 2018 (during the first Trump administration) to create partnerships between Arab American elected officials and public servants with local elected officials in Tunisia. The institute, which was founded in 1985, has a proud history of encouraging Arab Americans to get elected to local office. As our work progressed, we realized that many of these young leaders had never been to the Middle East, and if they had gone at all, it had simply been to the countries from which their parents had come. I had long hoped to create a program that would enable them to both get exposure to and an understanding of the broader Arab World, and to be able to share their experiences and what they had learned in American political life with their counterparts in Arab countries.

The initial phase of the program was so successful that the State Department supported expanding it into Morocco and then Jordan. It was a delight to see these young Arab and Arab American participants working together in a collaborative manner, discussing problems they face in municipal governance and actions that could be taken to improve constituent services—how to address local needs and challenges. They worked together in building local democracy and finding solutions that made a difference in people’s day-to-day lives—issues like trash collection, creating community tech hubs, and providing support for families with disabled children. The program ended in 2023.

For an individual infected by an anti-Arab or anti-Muslim bias to identify these people-to-people efforts with support for terrorism is so wrong that it defies understanding. And for a person of Mr. Musk’s standing in this administration to have amplified this message with a repost and comment is irresponsibly dangerous.

As welcoming and inclusive as the U.S. can be, we also must acknowledge that our country has a history of hate and violence, a disproportionate amount of which in recent decades has been directed at Arab Americans and supporters of Palestinian rights. After a former employee of mine at the American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee was murdered in 1985, I was asked to testify before the U.S. Civil Rights Commission and the U.S. Congress on hate and violence directed against my community. In my testimony I noted how the environment for hate crimes against Arab Americans was fostered by those who have incited against us. I observed that when we have been called terrorists or terrorist supporters (sometimes by respected pro-Israel groups), it has spurred some to use violence against us. I know this personally from the content of death threats I have received over the years.

In the last two decades alone, there have been four convictions of individuals who have threatened my life and the lives of my family and my staff. These threats have most often been accompanied by accusations of terrorism or support for terrorism.

And so, I take it seriously when a person as powerful and well-positioned as Mr. Musk irresponsibly charges my institute with being a supporter of terrorism. That his post has been viewed by nearly 20 million people makes it even more concerning, as it only takes one deranged individual who has read it to decide to respond by striking out in an act of violence.

Some have cautioned us not to react to Musk’s incitement, hoping that it would just fade away. I disagree. In the end, the best defense we have is to point out both how wrong he has been and the danger posed by his words.

In an interview with podcaster Joe Rogan, the world’s richest person Elon Musk late last week called Social Security “the biggest Ponzi scheme of all time.” It was yet another “pot calling the kettle black” moment in the run-on sentence called Trumpism.

I say run-on sentence because it is important to highlight Trumpism as featuring a nefarious discourse self-consciously deployed by Donald Trump and his acolytes to normalize their extremism. Trumpism as a discourse obfuscates so as to legitimate what has become its extremist threat to the existing political system, the rule of law and U.S. Constitution. It is a distinctive way of speaking that facilitates highly questionable action. We see this repeatedly in the Trump era.

Trumpism as a discourse most prominently features three verbal maneuvers: gaslighting, coopting, and boomeranging. All three are intertwined in the disingenuous effort to overturn our liberal democracy and further the move toward a more illiberal autocratic political system, where Trump and his followers get to claim they are saving us from the failures of the current political system. Gaslighting is where you deflect a criticism by saying that the problem is something other than what the critic alleged, thereby insulating yourself from that criticism. For instance, the January 6th attack on the Capitol was actually an inside job perpetrated by the FBI. Coopting is where you adopt the language of your critics so that you are the one with the just cause and they are the one who is deserving of condemnation. The January 6th attack on the Capitol was an instance of Trump supporters standing up for democracy, not trying to undermine it. Boomeranging is where you send criticism directed at you right back at your critics. In this case, the claim is that the critics of the January 6th insurrection are actually the ones who are threatening democracy. These are all lies, aided by disinformation, consciously deployed to pollute public discourse and open the door to allowing Trump and is supporters to overthrow the existing constitutional order.

Why toss the Ponzi scheme boomerang now? Perhaps either because you do not know how Social Security works, or you don’t care because you are so keen to legitimate your extremist actions of illegally decimating the cornerstone of the U.S. welfare state.

With Trump’s second term as president beginning, the discourse of Trumpism has now become commonplace in American politics. It had worked effectively to help Trump regain the presidency. He now is abusing the powers of that office to among other things unleash Musk as a temporary advisor to the president to illegally and unconstitutionally begin without congressional authorization dismantling the federal bureaucracy and the programs its implements.

Musk has been recruited by Trump to take on the role of special advisor for allegedly seeking to root out waste, fraud and abuse from the federal bureaucracy, even as Musk’s private companies continue to profit in the millions of dollars from contracts from that bureaucracy. For some reason, Musk’s own contracts have been exempted from his investigations, but Social Security has not. Dismantling the most prominent social welfare program of the last century is undoubtedly an extremist undertaking and Musk is employing Trumpism as a discourse to help make that happen. Whether he succeeds is dependent in no small part on our ability to call out and resist his verbal jujitsu.

Dismantling Social Security would be very significant, for it not only provides major benefits to over 70 million retirees and persons receiving disability and survivor benefits (about one in five Americans). The program was enacted by Congress during the Great Depression with the Economic Security Act of 1935 (which quickly came to be known as the Social Security Act). It has become the cornerstone of the American welfare state, limited as it is compared to its counterparts in the rest of the developed world. It is nonetheless the most effective anti-poverty program in the history of the country, basically reducing the poverty rate among the elderly by half once its benefits started getting adjusted annually in 1972 to keep up with inflation. It has long been considered the “third rail” of American politics for any politician who tries to tamper with it usually ends up getting repudiated, just as President George Bush did when he tried to privatize it after winning re-election in 2004. Now Trump is going down that road but using the discourse of Trumpism to legitimate undermining this bedrock foundation of the U.S. welfare state.

Calling Social Security the “biggest Ponzi scheme in American history” is pure Trumpism. It is a boomerang. Many people have pointed out the Ponzi-scheme nature of Musk’s own preferred cryptocurrency Dogecoin. Dogecoin was the source for Musk calling his anti-federal government initiative “DOGE” (Department of Government Efficiency). Musk’s response was like him saying “no Dogecoin is not a Ponzi scheme, but Social Security is,” thereby redirecting the criticism of Dogecoin (and all cryptocurrencies) toward the government’s largest and most effective social welfare program. Cryptocurrencies, like Dogecoin, but also even more prominently Bitcoin, have been, for the last decade or so, very popular, especially with people who want to be free of having to rely on government-backed currency like the dollar. Cryptocurrencies have an anti-government elan that attracts all kinds of people, including libertarians and even anarchists. Calling Social Security the biggest Ponzi scheme in history is an anti-government boomerang perpetuated in the name of speculators who want to be free of government regulation.

Strictly speaking, a Ponzi scheme is where those who initially invest in some initiative reap profits from those who subsequently invest, and those subsequent investors will gain only if there are further investors. People are lied to in that there is no actual productive activity that is being invested in, contrary to what they were told. There is only a system of forwarding investments forward to the people who came before you. Once no new investors appear, the flow of profit stops and people are left with no returns on their investment. The largest Ponzi scheme ever was conducted by Bernard Madoff who for decades told people he successfully invested their money in stocks and other investments but actually just forwarded new investments to his clients until the flow of money stopped and he was revealed in 2008 to have defrauded people of tens of billions of dollars.

Actually, neither Social Security nor cryptocurrency is necessarily a Ponzi scheme. Crypto investors are not usually lied to that there is some supposed productive enterprise they are investing in, and Social Security recipients are told that will receive government guaranteed benefits regardless of how their contributions are invested or not. In both cases though, current contributions are used to pay out benefits to people who paid in previously.

In an attempt to make Social Security seem all-American, individualistic and capitalistic, it was originally sold to the American public as a “social insurance” program making it seem like it was no different than private insurance where people pay in to finance their own benefit. This sleight of hand was called the “insurance myth,” for people were never really financing their own benefit but contributing to a collective funding of the program overall. Social insurance is simply not the same as private insurance. It is more a collective than individual effort.

Yet, what is important here regarding the boomerang is that Social Security is in fact superior to cryptocurrencies just because it provides government backed, guaranteed benefits. The anti-government posture of cryptocurrencies, including Musk’s preferred Dogecoin, makes them vulnerable to being seen as way riskier than Social Security. Musk’s boomerang fails, Dogecoin is more like a Ponzi scheme than any government guaranteed benefit.

It is true that Social Security periodically needs tweaking by Congress to ensure that contributions keep up with what is needed to pay out to retirees and others. But that has consistently been done for almost a century. Why toss the Ponzi scheme boomerang now? Perhaps either because you do not know how Social Security works, or you don’t care because you are so keen to legitimate your extremist actions of illegally decimating the cornerstone of the U.S. welfare state. Is it because Musk as an adult immigrant never bothered to learn American public policy while in college or later, or because Musk just wants to destroy the government in the name of his libertarian fantasy? In any case, his Ponzi-scheme boomerang might to some degree work with segments of the public. For that reason alone, we need to highlight this particularly pernicious instance of Trumpism as a dangerous discourse.

When there were rumors that ICE agents were in the neighborhood, I called my mom to see if she could drive around and verify.

Such activities have been common to rapid response for years, even decades, as I learned when I first volunteered with immigrant rights groups that were organizing in response to the Bush administration’s workplace enforcement actions. Then, as now, people filled church basements with other community members for “know your rights” trainings. We were given red cards, which list the rights migrants have in the event that ICE detains them, to pass out to undocumented workers in our neighborhoods. Just a couple weeks ago, I attended a similar meeting in Oakland, California. We went over many of the same materials. The red cards are back. Also like years ago, the room was filled with that same intergenerational mix of people, including immigrants and their families, and people of faith.

But the difference this time is how everyone has cell phones. We exchanged information, not only contacts, but for websites. We set up text groups. And now, we communicate, not only in our neighborhoods, but with similarly minded people from around the country. In fact, while I live in California, my mother is in Wisconsin. Organizations, such as the Immigrant Legal Resource Center and American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), have facilitated these nationwide networks, mobilizing since President Donald Trump took office to host virtual and in-person trainings on themes such as how to monitor ICE if they appear in your neighborhood, why 287g agreements ought to be opposed, and what rights undocumented immigrants have.

Trump and Homan are not enforcing laws, but using the state to commit acts of violence that spread fear and terror.

Just as important as the knowledge we circulate is how our networks are built on the firm foundation of trust and care that exists within our neighborhoods. With a budget working through Congress potentially allocating $350 billion for more detention facilities and to hire more ICE agents, our networks are ready to protect our families and neighbors.

Besides concern for our neighbors and loved ones, we also see through the Trump administration’s bald-faced lies. The most ready-used lie, whether spouted by Trump himself, or his “Border Czar,” Tom Homan, is that they are going after “the worst first.”

Case in point of the administration’s mistruths on immigration enforcement was seen in the deportation of Luis Alberto Castillo from Venezuela, who had the misfortune to cross the border shortly before Trump to office, and then found himself in the Guantánamo Bay detention camp. Castillo was sent to Cuba because immigration officials believed that one of his tattoos indicated that he was a gang member.

So much for due process.

Similarly, reporting shows that nearly half of the people arrested in Chicago a few weeks ago had no prior criminal record. Homan legitimizes these as “collateral arrests.” The rationale, according to Trump’s enforcer, is that ICE is forced to go out into the communities to find people because sanctuary cities release criminals from jails if they are arrested.

Again, smarter minds should wonder about the veracity to the logic Homan uses.

Think about it—what kind of police force, when looking for a particular suspect, would do blanket arrests of people in an area?

Supporters of mass deportation are quick to note that if a person is in the country without legal status, then they are subject to arrest and possibly deportation. Technically, they are right, as according to the U.S. Civil Code, anyone who enters the country without authorization is subject to removal.

But let’s be honest—the real reason for carrying out “collateral arrests” and deporting people trying to make a better life for themselves is to carry out a political agenda. Even before taking over, Homan broadcast that Chicago would be targeted and made the initial focal point of Trump’s mass deportation efforts. Moreover, the call for mass deportation plays directly into the right-wing “law and order” fantasy, connecting nicely with the other heavy-handed approaches to crimes such as increasing penalties for minor infractions like shoplifting.

The reality is that people come to the U.S. for a variety of reasons, with many forces, such as poverty, pushing them across borders and making them ineligible for asylum. “To do it the right way,” as others would encourage, is not possible for most because of our outdated immigration laws. Dating from a time when immigration was minimal, our laws place unreasonable limits on the number of people who could legally come to the U.S. from neighboring countries, creating the millions of undocumented immigrants who now reside in the country. Adding insult to injury, our laws are broken just as much by employers as by their workers. As both political parties have passed the buck for years on figuring out a legislative answer to this reality, the average time an undocumented person is in the United States has become 16 years.

Such a scenario calls not for enforcing the laws, but for reforming them. Our immigration system, as it currently exists with so many responsible for its failing, is illegitimate. Trump and Homan are not enforcing laws, but using the state to commit acts of violence that spread fear and terror.

Fear empowers those who wield it by isolating and freezing those who feel it. But fear becomes courage when we come together to share our experiences, whether in church basements, living rooms, school libraries, or coffee shops. Given that it is in human nature to live, love, work, and play together, courage will beat back fear. So, when serious politicians return to public life and show their readiness to work on real policies to address our decades-long immigration crisis, we will be ready to work with them. Until then, we will fight; just ask my mom.

“The enemy of the moment always represented absolute evil, and it followed that any past or future agreement with him was impossible.”

The words are from George Orwell’s 1984 (where else?), explaining the root causes of a dystopian world. The book may be a work of fiction, but his words are deeply embedded in reality—we need enemies, the worse the better! This certainty may well be humanity’s most profound existential threat. I fear it could be “the meteor” that hits Planet Earth, ultimately spelling extinction for the dominant species.

Mostly what we do is prepare for—and wage—war. We always wage it in self-defense, even when in retrospect its motivating factor is colonial conquest. When it comes to the manifestation of power, at its core are the words “us vs. them.” That captures the public spirit so much more fully than cooperation, connection, understanding... or, groan, love.

Waging war poisons the world; it perpetuates and intensifies the problems it purports to be eliminating.

As far as I’m concerned, this is humanity’s primary challenge of the moment. It’s time to transcend war, the meteor of our own making.

As we all know, wars are waging across the planet right this moment. Unless we’re directly affected by the violence, we can easily reduce it to an abstraction, usually with the help of the words “self-defense”—a particularly egregious term when used by the one inflicting the most harm. And for some reason, the name George W. Bush comes to mind—the guy who bequeathed us the “Axis of Evil” as our current reason to be afraid.

But an inescapable fact of American history is the long trail of evil enemies who have helped define us over the centuries. As Jérôme Viala-Gaudefroy writes:

...the American identity is probably the best example of a “self” understood through “otherness.” Research in various disciplines has shown that Americans have long defined themselves through a binary narrative of “us” versus “them.“ Whether it takes the form of the American Indians of the Frontier, the British during the American Revolution, the immigrants in the early 20th century, the Nazis, the communists, and more recently the terrorists...

He also notes, a la Orwell, that our enemy of the moment “has three constant characteristics: It is always deemed a threat, somewhat uncivilized and evil, and serves to define national identity by demarcating... ’ a self’ from an ‘other’... “

Nations are essentially random creations. In order to unify socially into actual entities, their populations have to have a clear sense of who they aren’t. I would add to the above list of “others,” the country’s long history of racial exclusion, which of course begins with the importation of slaves, who were property, not actual human beings. “White” was a word bequeathed to us by God, apparently, and even though moral sanity has been slowly seeping into our national identity, whiteness still plays a significant role in the national task of othering. Think about the “invasion” going on at our southern border, for instance.

And, oh yeah, there’s also that war on Gaza—by which I mean genocide—that we’re playing a key role in sustaining, But as President Trump 2.0 keeps telling us in various ways, we also have a lot of work to do “Americanizing” the Western Hemisphere, from reclaiming the Panama Canal to... uh, seizing Greenland? And then there’s the recent decision by the State Department to officially designate some major Mexican drug cartels as Foreign Terrorist Organizations (FTOs). Yikes, that means they’re really, really evil.

As Jon Rainwater writes, this isn’t just a symbolic gesture. Doing so “opens the door for military intervention under the guise of counterterrorism. The U.S. could justify drone strikes or cross-border raids without Mexico’s consent—a blatant affront to its sovereignty.”

What could be wrong with that? Come on, we have the most powerful military in the world; it’s up to us to decide how and when to use it, right? No matter, as Rainwater points out: “Combining the failed strategies of the war on terror and the war on drugs is not just misguided—it’s doubling down on failure.”

And not only that. “Designating cartels as FTOs,” he goes on, “feels like another chapter in this playbook: framing another country’s problems as existential threats to justify American imperialism. So long liberal internationalism, hello Make the Monroe Doctrine Great Again.”

No matter that war is hell. No matter that the problems humanity faces are basically the problems it created—and they’re serious. Waging war poisons the world; it perpetuates and intensifies the problems it purports to be eliminating. I open my soul with a shout into the darkness. We live, as Rainwater notes, in an interconnected world—a world of complex wholeness. Creating borders can be a reasonable way to get a handle on that complexity, but only—only—if we can also see beyond the borders we’ve created and embrace the wholeness we’re still trying to understand.

What does this mean? As much as I want it to mean. oh, let us say a high-five with God, it often means—as we struggle to transcend our impulsive violence—far quieter, almost unrecognizable change, if any change at all. Consider, for instance, Sen. Bernie Sanders’ (I-Vt.) recent opposition to the latest U.S. sale of weapons to Israel to keep its evisceration of Gaza going. The Senate Foreign Relations Committee now has to consider the merit of his Joint Resolutions of Disapproval, or JRDs. Last November, Sanders also filed JRDs regarding the latest Biden administration’s weapons sale to Israel. When the Senate voted on them, the resolutions lost; only 19 senators voted in support, which can easily feel like nothing more than a pathetic loss.

But maybe it was more than that. “...never before have so many senators voted to restrict arms transfers to Israel,” noted the senior policy adviser for the organization Demand Progress. He called the vote “a sea change” among congressional Democrats—an awakening, an infusion of... do I dare say: moral sanity?

This doesn’t stop the slaughter. This doesn’t stop the hell. But let it give us the will to keep trying.

On Saturday, February 22, one of America’s great civil rights and labor activists was laid to rest in Greensboro, North Carolina. It’s possible you haven’t heard of Reverend Nelson Johnson, though Reverend Dr. William Barber II, the dynamic founder of Repairers of the Breach, the “co-anchor” of the new Poor People’s Campaign, and professor of the practice of public theology and public policy, places him (and his wife Joyce Johnson) in the rank of “Harriet Tubman and Frederick Douglass, Mother Jones and Martin Luther King Jr.” It’s salient in this moment, too, that the social, racial, and economic rifts that sparked the 1979 Greensboro Massacre and claimed the lives of five of Reverend Johnson’s fellow activists—scarring him for life—continue to divide our country today.

His clarifying insistence on truth telling will be sorely missed during a time when people are being threatened, demonized, and fired for telling American history’s multiple truths. Given this, it’s imperative to correct the historical errors and omissions in a recent New York Times obituary for Reverend Johnson.

The obituary reports that when, just prior to the November 3, 1979 murders, a caravan of Ku Klux Klansmen and American Nazis arrived at the start of a march Nelson Johnson and his fellow communists were mounting against racism, the police were “standing nearby.” This isn’t true. The police were, by official order, absent and out of sight and therefore unable to stop the approaching violence. What makes this particularly alarming is that at least three law enforcement agencies—the Greensboro Police Department, the FBI, and the Bureau of Alcohol Tobacco and Firearms—had elicited enough information from informants and infiltrators to stop the white supremacist attack before it happened. Every serious investigation of the November 3, 1979 events over the last quarter century acknowledges this.

When the facts of the Greensboro Massacre are presented clearly, it’s easy to see how the white power politics, law enforcement bias, and political opportunism that led to that tragedy illuminate the time we are in.

Klansmen and Nazis inflicting violence on African Americans, Jews, Catholics, Latinos, Native Americans and left activists is a horrific though unsurprising fact of American history. However, we must not omit from this history the responsibility of the public officials charged with protecting and serving all our citizens. The very foundation of our democratic system rests on the implicit and explicit trust we place in state officials and institutions to protect us in situations like the one that led to the Greensboro Massacre.

The Greensboro Massacre reminds us, as we are being reminded again today, that the only way to preserve that trust is to hold officials accountable when they betray it and commit crimes. Sadly, our justice system did not find the vigilante white supremacists or complicit officers of the law criminally responsible for the November 3, 1979 murders. Only a federal civil suit brought a sliver of justice to the tragedy. The New York Times obituary notes the civil judgement that found eight defendants liable for death but does not tell readers who they were: Five were Klansmen and Nazis, one was a police informant (and former FBI informant), and two were Greensboro police officers. This judgement reminds us that we must continuously resist the influence of reactionary white supremacist politics in our law enforcement agencies and justice system.

The obituary concludes with the installation of the 2015 North Carolina state historical marker commemorating the massacre. Left unreported, however, is the tenacious and hopeful work, not only by Reverend Johnson, but by Greensboro’s civil society, to set their history right. Thanks to these groundbreaking efforts, which included a two-year Truth and Reconciliation Commission, the City of Greensboro offered two apologies for the massacre: one in 2017, following the deadly Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, and another in 2020, in the wake of George Floyd’s murder. This second apology explicitly acknowledged that the Greensboro Police Department could have prevented the violence on November 3, 1979. Movingly, the city established a scholarship fund in the names of the five slain activists.

When the facts of the Greensboro Massacre are presented clearly, it’s easy to see how the white power politics, law enforcement bias, and political opportunism that led to that tragedy illuminate the time we are in.

It’s also important to remember, however, that Reverend Johnson’s historical significance is far greater than the trauma of November 3, 1979. His 60 years of racial and economic justice activism may be seen as an essential bridge, spanning from the revolutionary visions of Martin Luther King Jr. and Malcolm X to Dr. William Barber’s current mobilizations on behalf of our nation’s poor. Like both these leaders, Johnson saw race and economics as inextricably linked. And like them, he never stopped trying to fix the root causes of inequality in America for all people suffering predatory capitalism. He came to consider demonizing others, even one’s enemies, as a mistake. That revelation would lead him away from communism to liberation theology and the idea of revolutionary, Christian love. This philosophical shift, however, didn’t transform Johnson from radical to reformer; he never stopped believing that true equality and justice in the United States will only come with fundamental changes to our values, our institutions, and our economy.

Reverend Johnson’s community-based work has inspired labor and racial justice leaders all around the country. Though his name might not, until now, have been known widely, his work with unions and churches and social justice organizations has been buttressing grassroots democracy for decades.

The life of this big-hearted farm kid from the Airlie, North Carolina expands the geography, timeline, and scope of the conventional civil rights story. Getting his story right broadens our understanding of American history’s lessons, affirms a powerful faith in equal justice and democracy, embraces the power of community, and rejects the repression of our country’s truths.

That Alaska Gov. Mike Dunleavy killed a large, majestic Alaska brown bear simply for his amusement, ego, and bragging rights, then had the hide mounted prominently in the Anchorage International Airport for all to see—complete with a photo of the governor posing with his kill, and an advertisement for the Safari Club International, whose “generous contribution” paid for the sordid display—is a perfect embodiment of the State of Alaska’s disgraceful treatment of its world-renowned wildlife.

The governor’s kill was one of the 1,200-1,900 permitted trophy brown bear kills in Alaska every year, mostly by non-residents. These kills are not for food or subsistence (the state says fewer than 10 brown bears a year are killed for subsistence purposes), but just for hides, trophies, and the "joy” of killing. This includes bears that gather to feed on salmon runs in protected areas such as Katmai National Park and McNeil River State Game Sanctuary—to the delight of thousands of paying visitors—that are then targeted by trophy hunters as they disperse after the salmon runs end. The skinned carcasses of these bears are mostly discarded and left to rot—the very definition of wanton waste. The hides are apt to end up on the living room wall of a vain, rich Texan to brag about at cocktail parties.

Further, Gov. Dunleavy’s administration has recently shot and killed hundreds of brown bears (many of them newborn cubs), black bears, and wolves in its unscientific and futile aerial predator control effort; permits “hunters” to bait bears; permits killing of bear mothers and cubs using artificial lights at dens; permits killing wolves and coyotes and their pups at dens; and its Board of Game is a special-interest travesty.

It takes a very small man indeed to kill an innocent animal simply for a sadistic sense of pleasure, a trophy, and bragging rights.

Now, this depravity is on full display—along with the many other dead, snarling animals displayed around the airport—for thousands of visitors to see as they first step foot in the state, most coming here specifically to view Alaska’s spectacular wildlife (which contributes twice the revenue to the state’s economy as does recreational hunting), and many specifically wanting a chance to see our iconic brown bears in the wild—alive, not stuffed in a glass case. Instead of admiration and awe, many visitors will react to this display with disgust, seeing the governor’s trophy as an example of the shameful way wildlife are treated in Alaska. People increasingly feel that bears deserve better than to be killed merely for human ego, and want trophy hunting banned.

Psychologists say that this sort of trophy hunting derives from narcissism, an inflated sense of self, an infantile ego craving attention; a deep-seated psychopathy, incapable of empathy; and virtue-signaling to those from whom one is desperate for admiration and validation. And there may be a peculiar religious component to such killing, as it accords with the perverse biblical instruction for man to “subdue… and have dominion over… every living thing that moveth upon the Earth.” And perhaps such trophy killing simply provides a brief dopamine hit—a momentary, physiological high—desired by our Paleolithic ancestry.

To trophy hunters like Alaska’s governor, killing large animals, particularly predators, is a feeble attempt to project superiority, power, machismo, wealth, and prestige. Even though the governor may be a full-time office bureaucrat, he’s desperate to be seen as a courageous, tough Alaska man right out of a Jack London novel. In fact, it shows just the opposite.

Killing an innocent brown bear for fun, with a high powered rifle, from a distance, with a professional guide leading him to the bear, and then displaying the mounted hide in a public commons for all to see, projects a pathetic, disturbing emotional insecurity. While trophy hunting is increasingly being banned around the world (recall the global outrage to the 2015 killing of Cecil the lion by an American trophy hunter in Zimbabwe), not here in the “lost frontier,” where it still serves the insecure egos of many clinging to the 19th-century image of the great white hunter, the buffalo hunters, conquering an untamed wilderness.

It takes a very small man indeed to kill an innocent animal simply for a sadistic sense of pleasure, a trophy, and bragging rights. Now thousands of Alaska visitors will see this psychopathy on full display at the Anchorage airport, where the governor’s trophy stands as a monument to arrogance, special interests, phony masculinity, contempt for nature, and the State of Alaska’s tragic mismanagement of wildlife.

Donald Trump’s power has thrived on the economics, politics, and culture of war. The runaway militarism of the last quarter-century was a crucial factor in making President Trump possible, even if it goes virtually unmentioned in mainstream media and political discourse. That silence is particularly notable among Democratic leaders, who have routinely joined in bipartisan messaging to boost the warfare state that fueled the rise of Trumpism.

Trump first ran for president nearly a decade and a half after the “Global War on Terror” began in the wake of the 9/11 attacks. The crusade’s allure had worn off. The national mood was markedly different than in the era when President George W. Bush insisted that “our responsibility” was to “rid the world of evil.”

Working-class Americans had more modest goals for their government. Distress festered as income inequality widened and economic hardships worsened, while federal spending on war, the Pentagon budget, and the “national security” state continued to zoom upward. Even though the domestic effects of protracted warfare were proving to be enormous, multilayered, and deeply alienating, elites in Washington scarcely seemed to notice.

Donald Trump, however, did notice.

Pundits were shocked in 2015 when Trump mocked the war record of Republican Senator John McCain. The usual partisan paradigms were further upended during the 2016 presidential campaign when Trump denounced his opponent, Hillary Clinton, as “trigger happy.” He had a point. McCain, Clinton, and their cohort weren’t tired of U.S. warfare — in fact, they kept glorifying it — but many in non-affluent communities had grown sick of its stateside consequences.

Pretending that militarism is not a boon to authoritarian politics only strengthens it.

Repeated deployments of Americans to war zones had taken their toll. The physical and emotional wounds of returning troops were widespread. And while politicians were fond of waxing eloquent about “the fallen,” the continual massive spending for war and preparations for more of it depleted badly needed resources at home.

Status-Quo Militarism

President Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton represented the status quo that Trump ran against and defeated. Like them, he was completely insulated from the harsh boomerang effects of the warfare state. Unlike them, he sensed how to effectively exploit the discontent and anger it was causing.

Obama was not clueless. He acknowledged some downsides to endless war in a much-praised speech during his second term in office. “Our systematic effort to dismantle terrorist organizations must continue,” he affirmed at the National Defense University. “But this war, like all wars, must end. That’s what history advises. That’s what our democracy demands.”

New Yorker journalist Jane Mayer hailed that instance of presidential oratory in a piece touting Obama’s “anguish over the difficult trade-offs that perpetual war poses to a free society.” But such concerns were fleeting at the White House, while sparking little interest from mainstream journalists. Perpetual war had become wallpaper in the media echo chamber.

President Bush’s messianic calls to rid the world of “evil-doers” had fallen out of fashion, but militarism remained firmly embedded in the political economy. Corporate contracts with the Pentagon and kindred agencies only escalated. But when Hillary Clinton ran for president in 2016, being a rigid hawk became a negative with the electorate as pro-Trump forces jumped into the opening she provided.

Six weeks before the election, Forbes published an article under the headline “Hillary Clinton Never Met a War She Didn’t Want Other Americans to Fight.” Written by Doug Bandow, former special assistant to President Ronald Reagan, the piece exemplified how partisan rhetoric about war and peace had abruptly changed. Clinton “almost certainly would lead America into more foolish wars,” Bandow contended, adding: “No one knows what Trump would do in a given situation, which means there is a chance he would do the right thing. In contrast, Clinton’s beliefs, behavior, and promises all suggest that she most likely would do the wrong thing, embracing a militaristic status quo which most Americans recognize has failed disastrously.”

Clinton was following a timeworn formula for Democrats trying to inoculate themselves against charges of being soft on foreign enemies, whether communists or terrorists. Yet Trump, deft at labeling his foes both wimps and warmongers, ran rings around the Democratic nominee. In that close election, Clinton’s resolutely pro-war stance may have cost her the presidency.

“Even controlling in a statistical model for many other alternative explanations, we find that there is a significant and meaningful relationship between a community’s rate of military sacrifice and its support for Trump,” a study by scholars Douglas Kriner and Francis Shen concluded. “Our statistical model suggests that if three states key to Trump’s victory — Pennsylvania, Michigan, and Wisconsin — had suffered even a modestly lower casualty rate, all three could have flipped from red to blue and sent Hillary Clinton to the White House.” Professors Kriner and Shen suggested that Democrats might want to “reexamine their foreign policy posture if they hope to erase Trump’s electoral gains among constituencies exhausted and alienated by 15 years of war.”

But such advice went unheeded. Leading Democrats and Republicans remained on autopilot for the warfare state as the Pentagon budget kept rising.

On the War Train with Donald Trump

In 2018, the top Democrats in Washington, Nancy Pelosi and Chuck Schumer, boasted that they were fully aligned with President Trump in jacking up Pentagon spending. After Trump called for an 11% increase over two years in the already-bloated “defense” budget, Pelosi sent an email to House Democrats declaring, “In our negotiations, congressional Democrats have been fighting for increases in funding for defense.” The office of Senate Democratic leader Chuck Schumer proudly stated: “We fully support President Trump’s Defense Department’s request.”

By then, fraying social safety nets and chronic fears of economic insecurity had become ever more common across the country. The national pattern evoked Martin Luther King’s comment that profligate military spending was like “some demonic destructive suction tube.”

In 2020, recurring rhetoric from Joe Biden in his winning presidential campaign went like this: “If we give Donald Trump eight years in the White House, he will forever alter the character of our nation.” But Biden said nothing about how almost 20 years of nonstop war funding and war making had already altered the character of the nation.

At first glance, President Biden seemed to step away from continuing the “war on terror.” The last U.S. troops left Afghanistan by the end of August 2021. Speaking to the United Nations General Assembly weeks later, he proclaimed: “I stand here today, for the first time in 20 years, with the United States not at war.” But even as he spoke, a new report from the Costs of War Project at Brown University indicated that the “war on terror” persisted on several continents. “The war continues in over 80 countries,” said Catherine Lutz, the project’s co-director. The war’s cost to taxpayers, the project estimated, was already at least $8 trillion.

Biden’s designated successor, Vice President Kamala Harris, displayed a traditional militaristic reflex while campaigning against Trump. In her acceptance speech at the Democratic convention she pledged to maintain “the strongest, most lethal fighting force in the world.” Such rhetoric was problematic for attracting voters from the Democratic base reluctant to cast ballots for a war party. More damaging to her election prospects was her refusal to distance herself from Biden’s insistence on continuing to supply huge quantities of weaponry to Israel for the horrific war in Gaza.

Supplementing the automatic $3.8 billion in annual U.S. military aid to Israel, special new appropriations for weaponry totaling tens of billions of dollars enabled mass killing in Gaza. Poll results at the time showed that Harris would have gained support in swing states if she had called for an arms embargo on Israel as long as the Gaza war continued. She refused to do so.

Post-election polling underscored how Harris’s support for that Israeli war appreciably harmed her chances to defeat Trump. In 2024, as in 2016, Trump notably benefitted from the unwavering militarism of his Democratic opponent.

Overseas, the realities of nonstop war have been unfathomably devastating. Estimates from the Costs of War Project put the number of direct deaths in major war zones from U.S.-led actions under the “war on terror” brand at more than 900,000. With indirect deaths included, the number jumps to “4.5 million and counting.” The researchers explain that “some people were killed in the fighting, but far more, especially children, have been killed by the reverberating effects of war, such as the spread of disease.”

That colossal destruction of faraway human beings and the decimation of distant societies have gotten scant attention in mainstream U.S. media and politics. The far-reaching impacts of incessant war on American life in this century have also gotten short shrift. Midway through the Biden presidency, trying to sum up some of those domestic impacts, I wrote in my book War Made Invisible:

“Overall, the country is gripped by war’s dispersed and often private consequences — the aggravated tendencies toward violence, the physical wartime injuries, the post-traumatic stress, the profusion of men who learned to use guns and were trained to shoot to kill when scarcely out of adolescence, the role modeling from recruitment ads to popular movies to bellicose bombast from high-ranking leaders, and much more. The country is also in the grip of tragic absences: the health care not deemed fundable by those who approve federal budgets larded with military spending, the child care and elder care and family leave not provided by those same budgets, the public schools deprived of adequate funding, the college students and former students saddled with onerous debt, the uncountable other everyday deficits that have continued to lower the bar of the acceptable and the tolerated.”

While the warfare state seems all too natural to most politicians and journalists, its consequences over time have been transformational for the United States in ways that have distinctly skewed the political climate. Along the way, militarism has been integral to the rise of the billionaire tech barons who are now teaming up with an increasingly fascistic Donald Trump.

The Military-Industrial-Tech Complex

While President Trump has granted Elon Musk unprecedented power, many other tech moguls have rushed to ingratiate themselves. The pandering became shameless within hours of his election victory last November.

“Congratulations to President Trump on a decisive victory,” Meta’s CEO Mark Zuckerberg wrote. “We have great opportunities ahead of us as a country. Looking forward to working with you and your administration.” Jeff Bezos, the owner of Amazon, Whole Foods, and the Washington Post, tweeted: “wishing @realDonaldTrump all success in leading and uniting the America we all love.”

Amazon Web Services alone has numerous government contracts, including one with the National Security Agency worth $10 billion and deals with the Pentagon pegged at $9.7 billion. Such commerce is nothing new. For many years, thousands of contracts have tied the tech giants to the military-industrial complex.

Musk, Zuckerberg, Bezos, and smaller rivals are at the helm of corporations eager for government megadeals, tax breaks, and much more. For them, the governmental terrain of the new Trump era is the latest territory to navigate for maximizing their profits. With annual military outlays at 54% of all federal discretionary spending, the incentives are astronomical for all kinds of companies to make nice with the war machine and the man now running it.

While Democrats in Congress have long denounced Trump as an enemy of democracy, they haven’t put any sort of brake on American militarism. Certainly, there are many reasons for Trump’s second triumph, including his exploitation of racism, misogyny, nativism, and other assorted bigotries. Yet his election victories owe much to the Democratic Party’s failure to serve the working class, a failure intermeshed with its insistence on serving the industries of war. Meanwhile, spending more on the military than the next nine countries combined, U.S. government leaders tacitly lay claim to a kind of divine overpowering virtue.

As history attests, militarism can continue for many decades while basic democratic structures, however flawed, remain in place. But as time goes on, militarism is apt to be a major risk factor for developing some modern version of fascism. The more war and preparations for war persist, with all their economic and social impacts, the more core traits of militarism — including reliance on unquestioning obedience to authority and sufficient violence to achieve one’s goals — will permeate the society at large.

During the last 10 years, Donald Trump has become ever more autocratic, striving not just to be the nation’s commander-in-chief but also the commandant of a social movement increasingly fascistic in its approach to laws and civic life. He has succeeded in taking on the role of top general for the MAGA forces. The frenzies that energize Trump’s base and propel his strategists have come to resemble the mentalities of warfare. The enemy is whoever dares to get in his way.

A warfare state is well suited for such developments. Pretending that militarism is not a boon to authoritarian politics only strengthens it. The time has certainly come to stop pretending.

Trump has mused publicly about his fondness for Viktor Orbán, Hungary’s “elected” dictator, and how he accomplished commanding control over his people. Trump and his loyal Trumpeteer and Musketeer cohorts are taking an American-style approach, step by faster step, far ahead of the conventional resistance.

Step One is to announce that you are a STRONGMAN ruling by largely unlawful Executive Orders and ignoring the laws that demand congressional action.

Step Two is to dominate the news cycle and expand your own “news” media, such as Trump’s for-profit company Truth Social. Trump is a juggernaut of declarations, attacks on perceived opponents or “woke” activity, and he lies about conditions in the country and the world, and more lies about his false successes. He has regular meetings at the White House with apprehensive reporters who know they are getting played, but relay his sound bites, often unrebutted to the people (such as his false outbursts about U.S. AID’s activities abroad).

Step Three is to always be on the offensive and never admit mistakes or to being wrong or ignorant about anything. This puts the resistance on the defensive, reacting instead of proactively keeping Trump off balance.

Will Trump get away with what he is wrecking and self-enriching?

This tactic is working to keep the hapless Democrats still in disarray, like “deer-in-the-headlights.” This freeze led to the Democrats’ ignominious defeat on November 5 by the most politically vulnerable GOP presidential candidate ever.

The Democrats blew an opportunity to use the two month interregnum between the election and Trump’s inauguration to hold public hearings in the Senate laying down challenges on very popular agendas opposed by the GOP (to raise the minimum wage, expand the child tax credit, increase social security benefits frozen for over forty years, tax the under-taxed, sometimes zero-taxed, super rich and giant corporations, and crack down on corporate crooks exploiting consumers and workers, especially on health insurance and credit transactions.) Instead, the Democrats disgracefully took their vacations and departed with a whimper on January 20th.

Step Four is to push ferociously plutocratic redirection, disruptions and suspensions of federal agencies so as to benefit enriching the super-rich like Musk and Trump. This means firing the law enforcers against corporate crime, such as major contracting fraud, and stealing from Medicare, Medicaid, and the bloated defense budget.

Step Five is to redirect massive monies (such as from Medicaid) from America’s social safety net to pay for even more military dollars and tax cuts for the rich and big corporations than Trump gave them in 2017. These cuts were never seriously challenged by the Biden Administration or Congressional Democrats like House Ways and Means Chair Rep. Richard Neal (D – MA). This brazen move is so cruel that some GOP Congressional toadies are beginning to quiver since many Medicaid recipients were Trump voters and people are turning out at crowded town meetings to loudly berate the surprised Republicans.

Step Six is to deeply consolidate Der Fuhrer’s power inside government and outside countervailing forces. Trump fired top military generals without cause, pushed out the chief lawyers for the three military services and replaced them with heel-clicking loyalists ready to obey any illegal order in violation of the Nuremberg rules. Remember that the unstable Trump has his finger on the nuclear trigger.

Throwing out competent civil servants in agencies dedicated to helping Americans in need (Meals on Wheels, Head Start) and replacing them with clenched-teeth Trumpers now wrecking or illegally closing down federal agencies (the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau) devoted to auto safety, airline safety, workplace safety, environmental, climate, health protection, pandemic preparedness, and consumer protection from relentless profiteering, and protection of fair labor standards and practices.

Step Seven is using the withholding of federal grants and spewing of propaganda to reduce important research and free speech on university and college campuses, intimidating and suing the corporate owners of the mainstream media to get in line or else face exclusion from the White House press corps and face FCC investigations of the radio and TV business, including NPR and PBS.

Who’s left, you might say, to stop Trump, who is on the road to a deep corporate fascist state?

The answer is: THE PEOPLE, taking their sovereign power under the Constitution to protest with specific demands, and to fully use the courts, give backbone to the media and launch a giant “You’re Fired” march on Washington in the Spring for a groundswell behind Impeachment. Trump is harming all Americans – Red State, Blue State, conservatives and liberals which can bring together a left/right movement changing Congress in the 2026 elections.

He is rescinding huge grants on renewable energy projects mostly going to Red States. He is canceling or suspending millions of government contracts to small business contractors or subcontractors. He is unemploying thousands of their workers every day, fueling inflation with steep tariffs, shaking the stock markets, fomenting chaos, anxiety and dread through American households and the business community itself.

Will Trump get away with what he is wrecking and self-enriching? Trump and his crew of demolitionists, led by the Musk and his poisonous Tusks recognize no boundaries, no legal or moral limits. My sense is NO. This guess is based on the immediate energy, courage and smart defiance by the growing resistance from all backgrounds around the country. Time is of the essence before the next step toward a dangerous police state arrives.

A CLARION CALL FOR LARGE ORGANIZED RALLIES BACK HOME WHERE THE PEOPLE ARE AGAINST THE CRIMINAL, UNCONSTITUTIONAL DICTATORSHIP OF THE TRUMP/MUSK ONGOING WRECKING OF AMERICA AND AMERICANS.

CRITICAL PROTECTIVE LIFELINES ARE BEING ELIMINATED IN ALL STATES – RED AND BLUE – endangering the health, safety, and economic, well-being of Americans – workers, small business, the elderly, the infirm, the children, the air, water, and undermines protection against rising epidemics and violent climate damage to communities. TRUMP/MUSK are slashing emergency services provided by our federal workers from the FAA to FEMA to EPA the monitoring of dangerous hotspots of toxic chemicals.

TRUMP/MUSK are already unlawfully violating contracts and cutting off millions dollars in federal payments for small business contractors. This, of course, harms the workers in these firms. Efforts for cleaner air and water, and key farm programs are being dismantled.

To enrich themselves and other billionaires, TRUMP/MUSK are cutting thousands of skilled IRS investigators focused on big-time tax evasion by the Super-Rich. There is a criminally insane takeover of our government that every day is dictating, without Congressional authority, deadly actions that amount to a dictatorship. TRUMP/MUSK are the “an enemy of the people.” This is not what Trump supporters voted for. They did not vote for a Kleptocracy that goes after people’s programs and that does nothing to stop the hundreds of billions of dollars of corporate welfare, corporate crime against US taxpayers (such as fraud inflicted on Medicare and Medicaid), and bloated big business contracts with Uncle Sam that are now not being investigated.

Saving our country from the cruel and vicious dictatorship seizing our government can only come from the people—Americans of all political backgrounds who show up and speak up at rallies, preferably outside local Congressional offices (with their Senators and Representatives invited)—rural, suburban, urban communities nationwide.. The TRUMP/MUSK overthrow of the existing corporate state, can soon become a POLICE STATE. Actions by citizens must expand rapidly before the egomaniacal, openly lying, vengeful TRUMP throws our beloved country into anarchical convulsions leading to massive disasters.

The Founding Fathers freed America from the tyrant King George III and gave us the Constitution to block any future Kings. Trump, who wants to be a King said, “I have an Article II, where I have the right to do whatever I want as president.”

Respect the trust bequeathed to us from our first Patriots in 1776 and 1783. Mobilize and galvanize NOW.

On February 11, without providing any evidence, U.S. President Donald Trump declared that the so-called “Department of Government Efficiency,” or DOGE, was in the process of eliminating “billions and billions of dollars in waste, fraud, and abuse” in the federal government. This is an old, but politically persuasive claim Republicans and their Heritage Foundation allies have made for decades.

The problem is, as some have no doubt realized, that DOGE is not about waste and inefficiency in government. It’s the culmination of a very long-standing neoliberal strategy to get rid of a federal government that can provide help to a wide variety of people in need, limit the worst excesses of the private sector, and shore up stressed local communities, among other good causes that the private sector is notoriously unable to accomplish.

Some of you may remember former President Ronald Reagan’s quip, “Government is not the solution; government is the problem.” Well, we’ve lived 45 years under that hoariest of myths, and most Americans have paid a heavy price for it.

In brief, we have government of the rich, by the rich, and for the rich.

How does the Trump administration and its hatchet man, Elon Musk, fit into this? Most obviously through their massive layoffs of federal employees and by eliminating or slashing federal program after federal program. The effects of DOGE will be felt by a vast majority of non-wealthy Americans: veterans, workers, children, people who are sick or need healthcare, the elderly, people with low-to-modest incomes, people victimized by the rapidly increasing environmental disasters, local communities; the list goes on and on. Lumped under the “waste and inefficiency” category are the thousands of arbitrarily fired public employees who have served the public with dedication and integrity.

In reality, DOGE has two aims: The first is to make government so inept that more and more people will wonder why they’re paying taxes for a seemingly incompetent government. DOGE should really be called DOGI—the Department of Government Ineptitude. That would fit nicely with the host of misfits and incompetents Trump has appointed to head various federal departments.

But the other clear objective is that, in addition to hurting everyday folks, these federal budget cuts will provide cover for the huge tax cut for wealthy Americans the Republican House just passed. As in the past, the tax cut will likely give people in the lower 90% of income levels an extremely modest tax cut, but the real beneficiaries will be the wealthiest Americans who already enjoy wealth most people can’t even imagine. And, as in the past, the tax cuts will be “justified”by the myth that cutting taxes for the wealthy and corporations will generate economic growth—i.e., jobs.

Unfortunately, we’ve been here before. The Reagan administration slashed taxes for the wealthiest Americans and corporations, thereby creating a huge federal deficit, yet the tax cuts failed to generate significant job growth. Instead, they ushered in the era of enormous inequality that is still with us. Most Americans saw no increase in their incomes. The George W Bush pro-rich tax cuts had similar effects, as did the huge pro-rich tax cuts of the first Trump administration. One result is that wages for most Americans have been largely stagnant for 50 years. There is no economic growth magic in these kinds of tax cuts.

But “tax cuts” sound good to people who struggle to make ends meet, and therein lies their appeal. However, the real problem isn’t the level of federal taxes, it’s the inequality in who bears the burden of those taxes.

Like many things in the U.S., taxes impose the heaviest burdens on those with modest incomes. This wasn’t always the case, of course. From the 1940s to mid-1960 the richest Americans were taxed at a 91% rate on taxable income. Today, thanks to these tax cuts, their rate is 37%. Similarly, the capital gains tax, corporate taxes, and estate taxes have all been significantly reduced, benefitting you know who.

Thanks to these tax cuts, the growing inequality in wages and salaries, and an all-out attack on labor union organizing over the past 45 years, we have witnessed a massive transfer of wealth from the middle class to the wealthiest families in America—one reason we hear so much about billionaires these days. In fact, a recent study published in The New York Times, reported that, for the first time, billionaires paid a lower effective tax rate than working class Americans.

Beyond the grotesque unfairness of this system, the truly ominous outcome is what this means for “our” government. Thanks to Republican-appointed Supreme Court majorities, campaign contributions have been classified as “speech,” meaning that restricting campaign contributions violates the First Amendment, no matter what this does to democracy. And so, in 2024, 150 billionaires contributed a total of $1.9 billion to political campaigns. In brief, we have government of the rich, by the rich, and for the rich.

If you feel the government has passed you by, welcome to the majority of Americans who don’t really have much of a voice in our political system. That, rather than alleged “waste, fraud, and abuse,” is what is wrong with our government.

The news came late Thursday afternoon that the Musk tornado had reached NOAA, the government agency responsible for, among many other things, warning us about actual tornadoes. Ten percent of the staff was instantly given pink slips, and an hour to leave; with thousands more firings expected imminently. The wording on the termination letters seems to have been uniform; the work these people were doing was not considered “in the public interest.”

I want to bear a little witness to the people fired from NOAA and so many other places—and even more to the long and careful tradition of which they were a part. For the moment I don’t know what we can do to protect those people or that tradition—there will be court battles, and we should support them; general defense against President Donald Trump’s absurd and illegal destruction is ongoing at places like Third Act and Indivisible and you should join in. But for now, I simply want to explain what’s being destroyed.

The National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration was founded in 1970, but its roots go back to 1807, when Thomas Jefferson formed the “Survey of the Coast,” noting the importance of “waterborne commerce” to the new nation. Over the following decades it produced the first nautical maps, and then early tide tables, and then began to figure out how to locate and map underwater obstructions. Though I now live in landlocked Vermont, I was a Sea Scout when I was a boy and I remember navigating with those blue and tan charts, walking the parallel rules across the chart, always with an eye to the compass rose at the bottom, all painstakingly marked with hazards and aids to navigation.

Musk is an impulsive child who has been handed an intricate toy, and whose only impulse is to break it, for the pure satisfaction of the crash.

It became the Coast and Geodetic Survey later in the 19th century—geodesy was the “science of accurately measuring and understanding the Earth's geometric shape, orientation in space, and gravity field,” and if like me you are a hiker you have doubtless encountered their brass markers on the summits of mountains. Other agencies—the Weather Bureau chief among them—grew up over the first two centuries of the republic to track the hazards of the continent. By 1970, in the wake of the first Earth Day, then-Republican President Richard Nixon combined all of them in this new National Oceanic and Atmospheric Agency.

Nixon was not an honest or good man, but he was an intelligent one, in an intelligent era. Here’s how he described the rationale for this new agency:

The oceans and atmosphere are interacting parts of the total environmental system upon which we depend, not only for the quality of our lives, but for life itself. We face immediate and compelling needs for better protection of life and property from natural hazards, and for a better understanding of the total environment—an understanding which will enable us more effectively to monitor and predict its actions, and ultimately, perhaps to exercise some degree of control over them.

If that was true then, then it’s triply true now. It’s NOAA that keeps track of the rapid heating of our planet, with all its attendant dangers. And now it will be reduced to a shadow of itself, just as Project 2025 promised. Why would any rational person do this? Over two centuries it worked to understand the world around us, and that understanding was, among other things, key to our prosperity.

Because it committed the sin of helping to figure out the greatest danger to that prosperity: It was NOAA, after all, that maintained the world’s most important scientific instrument, the carbon dioxide monitor on the flank of Mauna Loa that first disclosed that carbon dioxide was accumulating in the atmosphere as we combusted coal and gas and oil. And it’s maintained the network of weather stations, satellites, and marine buoys that have shown that that carbon is driving a pervasive shift in our climate, one that is melting the poles. This is the very definition of “the public interest,” but it cuts against the private interest of the fossil fuel industry, and so it must be neutered. Elon Musk can insist all he wants that he’s doing it to save the taxpayers money, but the agency in total costs barely $6 billion a year—or one-sixth the cost of the federal government’s contracts with Musk’s agencies, which The Washington Post detailed in an important investigation Wednesday.

Once this agency is broken, it won’t be rebuilt. Its centuries of institutional memory will be slowly forgotten. (There are good histories of NOAA on its website, here and here; if they’re of interest, download them right now). Musk is an impulsive child who has been handed an intricate toy, and whose only impulse is to break it, for the pure satisfaction of the crash. And so he can get a tax cut, and yet more money, whatever that even means to someone approaching the half-trillion dollar mark.

If you want just one tiny example of what he is destroying, look through the Bluesky feed of Zack Labe, a young climate scientist laid off Thursday afternoon. He was not just good at his job, he was good at explaining it: Day after day he would lay out the latest news from the cryosphere, explaining in careful detail what was happening on the frozen portions of this Earth. On Wednesday, for interest, he’d explained that Arctic sea ice was setting new lows for this date; on Monday he’d produced a graphic showing the steady loss of ice in glaciers around the world. He is our chronicler of thaw, of melt—and what could be more important, since that thaw and melt raises sea levels, disrupts the jet stream and the Gulf stream. He wasn’t an activist or an advocate, unless you count charting, say, the increased methane in the atmosphere as activism. Clearly the oil industry does; Project 2025 had promised to gut NOAA precisely because, as it put it in a moment of complete candor, those measurements are “one of the main drivers of the climate change alarm industry.”

In other words, Big Oil is trying to wrap a blindfold around the eyes of the nation, so it won’t see what’s happening. I confess to feeling a quiet rage at this vandalism (some of which is almost literal—the administration is disconnecting EV chargers, already bought and paid for, from federal parking lots). It won’t work, not in the long run—people will notice when their neighborhoods burn and flood. But it will make it harder to understand what’s going on, and to pin the blame where it belongs. The fossil fuel industry is committing an ongoing crime against the planet; this is an effort to paint over the lens of the security camera that’s been recording its trespasses.

At least as of this morning the vandals at DOGE hadn’t managed to sack the NOAA website. It was still reporting on the hottest January in history, and offering guides to “building climate resilience in your community.” As they had for 218 years the people in this enterprise were serving their fellow citizens with the information they needed to survive and to thrive. Take a look at it if it’s still there, just to remind yourself what good things humans are capable of. It will inspire you to fight harder against the bad things humans—in this case Musk and Trump—are capable of.

They’re lying to us again. The American government isn’t too big or too bloated: it’s too small. And the result of it being too small is a steady erosion of Americans’ freedom over the past forty-four years.

As Franklin D. Roosevelt said in his March, 1933 inaugural address:

“A necessitous man is not a free man.”

And here's what that means:

• If you or your children are sick but afraid to go to the hospital because you know the bills will leave you broke and homeless, you’re not free.
• If you need to go to college or trade school to get a better life but can’t afford it, you’re not free.
• If you’re hungry and can’t buy food for your family, you’re not free.
• If you can’t afford housing and have to live in a tent on the street or constantly one step ahead of eviction, you’re not free.
• If you’re afraid every day that your child may not come home from school because Republicans have saturated the nation with deadly weapons, you’re not free.
• If you’re old and broken but still having to work because you can’t live on Social Security, you’re not free.
• If your bank and insurance company are ripping you off and you have no recourse, you’re not free.
• If your voice and vote are drowned out because billionaires, AIPAC, and giant corporations are pouring cash into elections, you’re not free.
• If your boss refuses to let you and your fellow workers unionize and punishes you for demanding better wages, working conditions, and benefits you’re not free.

These are all things, including safety from gun violence, that are traditionally provided by “big government.” And the governments of most every other advanced democracy in the world do provide these things to their people.

But not America, because our government is too small.

Today’s U.S. government is simply too small relative to GDP to provide the level of public services that other advanced democracies offer their citizens.

And it’s been shrinking steadily ever since the Reagan Revolution took an axe to federal programs to pay for his tax cuts for billionaires. The year the Gipper was inaugurated, federal workers made up 2.6% of the total U.S. workforce; today’s they’re 0.87% of all American workers.

Too small.

Our population has grown steadily, while — as a result of repeated Republican austerity cuts to the federal workforce over four GOP administrations — the number of people who keep us safe and guarantee a middle class lifestyle has shrunk.

• That’s why it takes forever to get ahold of anybody at Social Security, the IRS, or Medicare to answer a question or help out.
• It’s why it’s mind-mindbogglingly difficult to report to the feds that your bank is trying to rip you off.
• It’s why polluters skate while Americans in cancer alleys and toxic dump areas die.
• It’s why we have tent cities along our streets and highways.
• It’s why drug and insurance companies rip us off daily.
• It’s why employers like Bezos, Trump, and Musk get away with denying their workers union representation.

The simple reality is that the only way to have a strong, vibrant middle class is to have a strong, activist federal government. And without a strong, vibrant middle class you don’t have a free nation.

For decades, American political discourse has been dominated by the idea that “big government” is a problem. From Ronald Reagan’s famous quip that “government is not the solution to our problem; government is the problem” to today’s Musk- and GOP-led efforts to slash government spending, Americans have been conditioned by the rightwing media machine to view a larger government as an inherent threat to liberty and prosperity.

But this fundamental assumption is wrong. If we’re truly committed to America being the “land of opportunity” with the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness at its core, the U.S. government is far too small.

Comparing the United States to other wealthy nations, particularly European and Scandinavian countries, reveals a stark contrast in how governments serve their citizens.

Those nations enjoy a higher quality of life, better health outcomes, lower poverty rates, and more economic security — because their governments do more. They provide universal healthcare, generous paid family leave, free or low-cost higher education, and strong worker protections.

And contrary to the uniquely American (and now Argentinian) conservative argument that big government means less freedom, these policies actually increase individual freedom, allowing people to live healthier, more secure, and more fulfilling lives.

A good measure of a government’s size is its spending as a percentage of Gross Domestic Product (GDP); this metric lets us to compare how much a nation invests in public services relative to the size of its economy.

According to data from the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), the U.S. government spends about 37% of GDP on public expenditures, including Social Security, Medicare, defense, and other services. In contrast, European nations typically spend between 45% and 55% of GDP.

Scandinavian countries — Denmark, Sweden, Norway, and Finland — allocate an even larger portion of their GDP to public services, often well exceeding 55%. Their governments play an active role in ensuring citizens have access to high-quality healthcare, education, housing assistance, childcare, and more. In these nations, individuals do not have to worry about medical bankruptcy, crushing student debt, housing, or lack of parental leave.

Greedy billionaire “conservatives” and their paid media shills, their Republican politicians, and their think tanks argue that “smaller government leads to more freedom.” It’s complete bullshit (unless you’re a billionaire), and needs to be called out every time they try pushing it on us.

In reality, the Republican model of small government restricts the freedom of ordinary people by tying necessities such as healthcare, education, and retirement security to personal wealth.

In today’s post-Reagan America, you’re only free if you’re rich.

By contrast, European- and Canadian-style social democracy increases the freedom of working class people by ensuring that their basic human needs are met, allowing citizens to pursue careers, start families, and enjoy life without constant economic anxiety.

Take healthcare as an example. The U.S. is the only wealthy country in the world that does not provide universal healthcare. As a result, Americans live in constant fear of medical bills. A single illness can lead to bankruptcy, forcing families to make impossible choices between healthcare and basic necessities.

How the hell does that help create or expand “freedom”?

In European countries (and Japan, Taiwan, South Korea, Australia, and Costa Rica), healthcare is a right, not a privilege. No one has to stay in a job they hate just to keep their insurance. No one has to choose between paying rent and buying life-saving medication.

That is real freedom.

In the United States, college tuition has skyrocketed over the last few decades, forcing students into lifelong debt just to get an education. In contrast, European nations — particularly in Scandinavia and Germany — offer free or low-cost higher education, allowing young people to focus on learning rather than worrying about how to pay off loans for decades.

Work-life balance is another major issue. The U.S. has no federally mandated paid parental leave, forcing millions of Americans to return to work almost immediately after childbirth. European countries, by contrast, guarantee generous paid family leave, enabling parents to care for their newborns without financial ruin.

Which system provides more real freedom?

Because the U.S. government is too small relative to GDP, the American middle class is stretched thin in ways that just never happen in other wealthy democracies. Housing costs are skyrocketing, wages have stagnated, and basic services like childcare and elder care are prohibitively expensive.

The result is that millions of Americans live paycheck to paycheck with massive debt, with little opportunity to build wealth or even achieve basic economic stability.

Consider retirement security. Social Security is one of the most effective and popular government programs in American history, yet Republicans consistently push to cut or privatize it and Musk’s teenagers are working hard to find ways to cut it even further.

Meanwhile, pensions have all but disappeared in the private sector, leaving most workers dependent on 401(k)s, which are subject to the volatility of the stock market. In contrast, European nations provide generous public pensions — their equivalent of Social Security — that ensure seniors can retire with dignity and without fear of poverty.

Opponents of “Big Government” often point to higher taxes in Europe as a reason to reject their model. And, yes, taxes are higher in those countries (particularly on the rich) — but in return, citizens receive significant benefits that eliminate major out-of-pocket expenses and expand their personal freedom.

When those costs are factored in along with billionaire tax-avoidance schemes and loopholes, middle-class Americans pay more taxes in total than Europeans, but receive far fewer benefits.

And Scandinavian citizens are consistently ranked among the happiest in the world, according to the World Happiness Report because they experience significantly lower levels of economic stress. They don’t have to worry about medical bills, student debt, or retirement insecurity. Instead of spending their lives with financial anxiety, they can focus on personal fulfillment, family, and community.

Years ago, I was up late one night in an Asian city (Taipei, as I recall) watching the financial news on a hotel TV. A young American host was interviewing a very wealthy German businessman at a conference in Singapore.

Amidst questions about the business climate and the conference, the host asked the German businessman what tax rate he was “suffering under” in his home country. As I recall, the businessman said, “A bit over 60 percent, when everything is included.”

“How can you handle that?” asked the host, incredulous.

The German shrugged his shoulders and moved the conversation to another topic.

A few minutes later, the American reporter, still all wound up by the tax question, again asked the businessman how he could possibly live in a country with such a high tax rate on very wealthy and successful people. Again, the German deferred and changed the subject.

The reporter went for a third try. “Why don’t you lead a revolt against those high taxes?” he asked, his tone implying the businessman was badly in need of some good old American rebellion-making.

The German businessman paused for a long moment and then leaned forward, putting his elbows on his knees, his clasped hands in front of him pointing at the reporter as if in prayer.

He stared at the young man for another long moment and then, in the tone of voice an adult uses to correct a spoiled child, said simply, “I don’t want to be a rich man in a poor country.”

There are a few wealthy Americans who understand this. Like the Patriotic Millionaires group, they embrace an opportunity to help our country, often via Democratic politicians.

But the billionaires who fund the Republican Party and own right-wing media believe it’s perfectly fine to rip the moral and political guts out of their own nation, condemn its future to severe weather, and turn its people against each other if it helps them fill their money bins.

For too long, the economic and political debate in the U.S. has been framed around whether government is “too big” or “too small.” But the real question should be: Does our government serve the needs of our people?

The evidence suggests that it does not. Today’s U.S. government is simply too small relative to GDP to provide the level of public services that other advanced democracies offer their citizens. And Trump and Musk are dedicated to cutting it even further so they can fund more tax cuts and business subsidies for billionaires.

To change this, we must rethink our priorities. Expanding government programs in healthcare, education, paid leave, childcare, and retirement security would not make us “less free” — they would actually increase our freedom. They would relieve financial burdens, provide greater security, and allow more Americans to pursue their dreams without constant economic anxiety.

The Scandinavian and European models prove that a strong, active government can create a fairer, freer, and happier society. The U.S. hardly lacks the resources to build such a system: we simply lack the political will to tax the rich and turn that into a foundation for a vibrant middle class.

Once we’re past this current crisis of democracy (fingers crossed), we need to focus on changing that. It’s time to recognize that our government should not just be big enough to fund the military and bail out massive banks; it should be big enough to ensure that every American can live a life of dignity, security, and opportunity.

As I lay out in The Hidden History of the American Dream, that’s the real American dream, and it’s one worth fighting for.

The past few weeks have seen a deluge of devastation from the second Trump administration, which in less than a month has broken many democratic norms and customs and even ignored the Constitution in several ways.

During these head-spinning times, it's more vital than ever to zero in on the threats to our democracy. Today, one of the worst challenges we're up against is increasingly widespread voter suppression—a peril accelerating under President. Donald Trump and easy to lose sight of amid the chaos.

As we write, Congress is trying to pass the SAVE Act, which would require all citizens to produce a document such as a passport or birth certificate when they register to vote. It would apply even when they re-register after a move or, as many do, between elections. This new and unprecedented national requirement would severely limit online, mail-in, and automatic registration and has the potential to block millions of eligible Americans from casting ballots.

Universal suffrage is the heart of democracy but deeply threatened today.

The now almost-official Trump doctrine, Project 2025, also promises potentially disastrous consequences related to suffrage. The Department of Justice's Criminal Division would become responsible for investigating voting offenses, likely leading to bogus prosecutions of voters and election officials. The government would also gain access to voter lists that could facilitate purges of minority voters. Project 2025 also proposes restricting or abolishing programs that encourage voter registration.

We need to acutely oppose these potential dangers. To do that, it's helpful to understand the history of suffrage in our country.

America began its democratic experiment in the 1700s with a small demographic of eligible voters: white, male landowners. Voting rights were not directly in the text of the Constitution, but instead left to the states to decide.

While Americans no doubt rightly lament that voting was so restricted, it's worth recognizing that the very idea of suffrage was an audacious departure in and of itself—a profoundly progressive advancement that pivoted away from predatory monarchy with aristocracy that dominated the European continent. Indeed, some of the Founders expressed remarkably enlightened views on voting. Thomas Jefferson wrote in 1776 that "the influence over government must be shared among all the people."

Even though our democracy was—and still is—deeply flawed, suffrage has always been its bedrock. Throughout our history advocates have fought to expand and enshrine suffrage, and today most state constitutions protect the right to vote. After the Civil War, several constitutional amendments codified and extended voting rights and since then legislation, such as the 1965 Voting Rights Act, has added further protections.

Sadly, however, voices from our country's Founders ring hollow when looking at our recent presidential election, which saw unprecedented organized voter suppression by the Republican Party.

Consider a report released this month by Greg Palast, acclaimed investigative reporter, forensic economist, and statistician. Using data from the U.S. Elections Assistance Commission, he found that voter suppression led to 14.1 million voters being deemed ineligible or having their ballots disqualified. Note that Trump won by a margin of only 2 million votes.

Almost 5 million voters were purged from voter rolls without credible evidence, and another 2 million mail-in ballots were disqualified for minor clerical errors, e.g. postage due. Almost another 800,000 ballots were disqualified or rejected for other, non-credible reasons, and over 3.24 million new registrations were rejected without credible evidence.

Palast points out that historically organized voter suppression was overwhelmingly directed at Black and Latino voters such as Jim Crow Era literacy tests and poll taxes.

How did we get here?

In 2013, the U.S. Supreme Court changed course from its history of protecting voter rights when it debilitated the Voting Rights Act of 1965, removing the requirement that jurisdictions with histories of racial discrimination obtain federal approval for new voting procedures. The result is a pernicious plethora of conservative state laws undermining or restricting voters.

A 2024 Brennan Center for Justice report found voter suppression has dramatically increased in the last 20 years. Many conservative states created obstacles by imposing unreasonable voter ID laws, and decreasing early voting times.

Unsurprisingly, voter suppression laws disproportionately impact communities of Black and Latino voters. For example, a 2022 Washington state audit reported that Black voters were 400% more likely than white voters to have their mail-in ballot rejected.

Universal suffrage is the heart of democracy but deeply threatened today.

What then is to be done to end this scourge of voter suppression by Mr. Trump's neofascist's advocates? Amid the chaos of the first hundred days of the second Trump administration, let us focus on defending these rights. If the present strategy of voter suppression by the Republican Party is not stopped, the results of the midterms in two years and the 2028 presidential election are already decided.

We are heading down a dark path reminiscent of a troublesome past. But we can be motivated by really great successes made possible by people's movements: The right of Blacks to vote was driven by inspiring and hard-won action, and women's suffrage struggles were also achieved through grassroots organizing.

The time is now. It will take all of us, joining in mass demonstrations and pushing our elected leaders to withstand the pressure and do everything in their power to block legislation and eliminate existing voter suppression regulation when—and wherever possible—before it's too late.

Today, racism remains a poisonous force in America. Fascism and authoritarianism are on the rise and President Donald Trump is giving voice to such hate, making it state policy and central to his presidential agenda. Recently, he tried to ban birthright citizenship by executive order to limit the number of babies of color born in the United States, though such an act is clearly unconstitutional. Currently, at least two federal judges have blocked Trump’s executive orders to redefine birthright citizenship. He has also issued executive orders seeking to roll back diversity, equity, and inclusion. He clearly does not want Black, Brown, and Asian people to be on an equal footing with Whites.

All his most recent efforts are consistent with his longstanding attempts to limit voting rights for people of color. Trump has voiced the most vicious comments over the years: he says that immigrants are “poisoning the blood of our country”; he slammed Haitian migrants for trying to enter the United States by claiming hundreds of thousands of them flowing into the country “probably have AIDS”; Haiti, El Salvador, and African lands are “shithole countries”; migrants are “animals“; and, as he also put it, there has to be “some form of punishment” for women who have abortions. Finally, Trump has repeatedly stated his admiration for dictators and strong abusive rulers.

Trump’s Protection of Afrikaners

Trump, his enablers in the Republican Party, and his Make America Great Again (MAGA) supporters should really be called Make America White Again (MAWA). He and those groups have generated a blueprint for increasing authoritarianism, racism, and xenophobia. It’s crystal clear that this enmity toward Black and Brown people is driven in part by demographic changes in the United States that threaten to place Whites in the minority. On the subject of race, Trump is sensitive only when it comes to discrimination against White people. Recently, he signed an executive order that would protect White South Africans from discrimination and allow them to resettle in the United States.

As I witness the rise of White supremacy in America (again) and the president’s ever-growing list of unconstitutional and illegitimate acts, I remember the segregation and Jim Crow of my youth in the late 1940s, 1950s, and 1960s. And yet, being a member of the last generation of Black Americans to live under Jim Crow and the culture of racism that accompanied it left me, then, with a certain hope and belief in the future. The history of my generation’s efforts to make change lent credence to the idea that all of us have the power to eliminate racism. It’s just a question of doing the necessary work.

On any day of my youth, sitting in our living room in a housing project in Kinston, North Carolina, I could pick up a copy of Jet magazine, Amsterdam News, the Pittsburgh Courier, or Ebony Magazine, and the headline would scream something like: “Another Colored Person Dies on the Highway.” The reason: a “White-only” hospital wouldn’t treat them. This happened with alarming frequency and left me with many visions of Black people bleeding to death on the black tarmac of highways in Alabama, Mississippi, North Carolina, and elsewhere in the South. I imagined loved ones or even myself having an accident and not being able to get treatment because no Black doctors could be located. Mostly, though, I worried about my father because as a professional gambler — his cardplaying was the total source of economic support for our family — he sometimes found himself in remote areas of the deep South, far from medical facilities that would treat Blacks.

The most notorious such case occurred in North Carolina when I was eight years old. On April 1, 1950, Doctor Charles Drew, a Black man who was the internationally famous inventor of the blood bank, was in an auto accident near city of Burlington. The rumor was that Doctor Drew had bled to death because a “White-only” hospital wouldn’t treat him (though, in fact, he had received a transfusion at an all-White hospital). Black people believed such rumors then because they knew of segregated hospitals that would indeed not treat them. I can still feel the heat of the rage of many Black friends who came to our home and could talk of little else. The fact that segregation was state-sponsored only made such a disregard for human life worse.

Segregation and Jim Crow laws were designed to take from Black people our ability to function as anything but mere appendages of the ruling White society. There were significant attempts to change such laws and locally enforced customs through demonstrations, direct action, litigation, and legislation in the 1950s and 1960s, but they didn’t succeed in fully correcting the damage of racism in our society, which, as the Trumpian moment indicates, remains pervasive and unyielding.

But within the Black community, my family, friends, and many others taught me about life and survival, offering me attention and love. Mr. Peter G. Fuller (and yes, we did use “mister” then), a favorite of mine and an older friend of my parents, worked as a farm agent, teaching Black farmers how to grow corn, beets, peas, tobacco, and other produce. He was six feet tall and 66 years old, with a brown complexion, an open, bright-eyed face, bushy eyebrows speckled with grey, and slightly protruding teeth. He walked with a loping gait, always chewing a twig as he worked. When I was with him, he was direct and to the point, talking to me as if I were a grownup and listening to what I had to say.

Looking back, I still admire Mr. Fuller for his patience. My mother would later tell me that, when I was six, some adults avoided me because I asked too many questions, but not Mr. Fuller. His wife Loise called him “Peter G” and he was usually in his garden in the early morning hours just off the road that led to our project. I always knew I could find him there. On the day I have in mind, Mr. Fuller was hitched to a mule that was pulling a plow, the reins on his broad shoulders, his hands on that plow. As he turned over the soil in his large garden, I walked behind him in the space between the plowed rows and asked him questions. He was such a favorite of mine because he had time for children. He never rushed you, listened very closely to your questions, and gave you detailed answers, as in the first talk I remember us having:

“Mr. Fuller, are you afraid of the mule?”
“No,” he answered smiling, “this mule is better behaved than most people.”
“Mr. Fuller, why don’t you say horse?”
“Well, Douglas, I believe you call a thing or animal by its rightful name. But that is a good question — a mule is a mule, and a horse is a horse. A mule is part donkey and part horse.”
“Really!!” I exclaimed, this being news to me.
“That’s right, Douglas.”
“Mr. Fuller, do you plow with a horse?”
“I don’t — mules are better work animals than horses.”
“Why are you plowing?”
“Well, if you want to eat well, it’s a good idea.”
“You plow to eat?”
“Well, you plow so you can turn over the rich soil and plant corn seeds. When the corn grows you eat the corn.”
“How did you learn to plow?”
“My daddy taught me when I was a boy like you.” Then he added after a pause, “It’s important to plow to grow stuff, just like school is important to learn things.”
“Mr. Fuller, would you teach me how to plow?”

“Yes, of course,” he answered, pulled back on the reins, and shouted, “Whoa mule! Whoa mule!” The mule stopped. He then instructed me to stand right behind the plow while he stood behind me. He held the reins in his right hand, lifted me up under his left arm, and placed my hands on the handle of the plow. He made a clicking sound toward the mule and off we went. After a few minutes, the mule slowed down, lifted its tail, and grunted, making a bowel movement. The foul smell hit us in the face. Mr. Fuller and I laughed. He didn’t seem to mind the smell of the manure, and when we saw that he was also stepping in it, we stopped to laugh some more.

“Will it hurt the garden plants?”

“No, it will help the plants,” he answered. “It’s what’s called fertilizer. The fertilizer and the nutrients in the soil help the plants to grow. Sometimes we think something is a waste, but it helps us live.” Mr. Fuller put me down as we talked.

“How did you learn all this stuff, Mr. Fuller?” I asked, intrigued and curious.

“I went to college, but I learned a lot of it from my daddy. College is the place you go to learn things and it is important for colored people.”

A few years later Mr. Fuller told me he had attended the Hampton Normal and Agricultural Institute in Virginia, a school established by White people in 1868 to train Native Americans and Blacks to become teachers and learn trades in agriculture, cabinetmaking, printing, and tailoring. He graduated in agriculture.

On every visit, after that first talk, Mr. Fuller would make a clicking sound and off we would go to continue plowing until I got tired. Then we’d stop under a shady tree overlooking the garden and discuss what seemed to me like everything in the world. Mr. Fuller always had a lunchbox with a mason jar of water, grapes, an apple, a sandwich, and cake. He always seemed to have food for me, too, and when I asked how come, he responded, “I just do,” then adding, “I thought you might come by to see me.”

When I became more knowledgeable about my place in the world during my teen years, I began to ask Mr. Fuller about his past. Did he remember slavery? “No,” he responded with a laugh, “I am not that old, but my parents were slaves as children — I learned a lot from them, yes, I did.” He gazed at me intently.

Born in 1881, in Kinston, North Carolina, he was in his mid-sixties when, at five and six years old, I visited him in his garden plot. So, although he spoke to me of many things, he did not disclose parts of his story which I imagine he thought might frighten me. He left out, in fact, certain fearful, seminal events of his youth that I now know occurred in the nearby city of Wilmington, North Carolina, before he reached the age of 20.

The Wilmington Massacre of 1898

Wilmington is a mere 87 miles from Kinston. On November 10, 1898, a mob of 1,500 White supremacists marched into the Black section of town, burned down the Black newspaper office building, and killed up to 100 Black people.

White-supremacist-directed violence was increasing there for two significant reasons then: growing Black political power and editorials written by Alex Manly for the local Black newspaper, The Daily Record, condemning miscegenation laws. Manly was on the list of Blacks to be killed that day. However, he had been warned and so escaped a few days prior to the mob violence. Manly had written that it was no worse for a Black man to be intimate with a White woman than for a White man to be intimate with a Black woman. In reaction, the White racist community distributed his editorial widely and used it as a pretext for the mass killing of Blacks that followed.

Mr. Fuller was 17 at the time of those murders. Living in Kinston, he couldn’t have escaped the fear and tension. If you were Black and so close to atrocities committed by Whites, fear traveled and spread fast.

Reconstruction — Violence Against Black People After the Civil War

Mr. Fuller was born a few years after Reconstruction (1865-1877), the period following the Civil War during which the United States sought to reintegrate the southern states into the union and deal with the status of Black people. It was also a time when White supremacist groups like the Ku Klux Klan and White Citizens Councils used extreme violence against Black people to keep them from becoming full citizens, a time when an estimated more than 2,000 Blacks were lynched, the ultimate form of terror.

Like my grandparents during their young adult years, Mr. Fuller, inspired by the lives of Frederick Douglass, Harriet Tubman, and others, began to see glimmers of hope in the views of W.E.B. DuBois, Marcus Garvey, Carter G. Woodson, the poetry of Paul Lawrence Dunbar, and the exhortations of Ida B. Wells and Mary McLeod Bethune. Activists of that era were developing ideas about community, education, organizing, survival, and being responsible for others that would bode well for future Black generations. The accomplishments of Blacks of that era fed the development of much that was to come in politics, education, and the arts, and remain part of a centuries-long struggle to move this country toward the sort of authentic democracy that Donald Trump stands strongly against.

As I grew in years and understanding, my memories of talking with Mr. Fuller enabled me to feel far more deeply my closeness to my ancestors and the horrors of slavery that they endured. Donald Trump’s most recent acts and his unending attacks on “diversity” have only brought such conversations back ever more strongly.

Martin Luther King Defining the Civil Rights Movement

I was born in 1942, only 77 years after the 13th Amendment formally abolished slavery. The recentness of slavery, my unbroken connection to enslaved people through my heritage, being a member of the last generation of Blacks to live and grow to adulthood under segregation and Jim Crow all created in me a feeling of responsibility to the past and to the future. Along with my family, Mr. Fuller was the central person who sparked my dedication to my ancestors and to learning about our collective past.

Now, the xenophobic, bigoted, and cruel policies of the Trump administration are bringing back traumatic memories of American racism and all the nightmares that went with it. Yet the words of Reverend Martin Luther King — “the arc of the moral universe is long, but it bends toward justice” — continue to inspire me during such dangerous, increasingly dismal times.

For a brief moment, President Donald Trump gave peace advocates a reason to be hopeful. After decades of unchecked and counterproductive military spending, he appeared to support major cuts to the military budget.

On Feb. 13, Trump said that the U.S. should engage with Russia and China to work towards denuclearization, noting that the U.S. is wasting money on new and upgraded nuclear bombs when we already have enough weapons “to destroy the world 50 times over.” He said that by reaching agreements with rival nations, the U.S. could reduce runaway military spending by as much as 50%.

The following week, Defense Secretary Hegseth called for cuts of up to 8% in the Pentagon budget for each of the next five years, including up to $50 billion in cuts over the next year alone. While far less than a 50% reduction, an 8% cut to a budget that exceeds a trillion dollars would still represent a significant shift away from decades of bipartisan unchecked military spending.

Unfortunately, it quickly became clear that any cuts to existing Pentagon programs will not lower U.S. military spending. Unlike cuts to education, medical research, environmental protection, and food assistance programs, the administration is proposing that any Pentagon “savings” be redirected to missile defense systems, border militarization, and other controversial and destructive military projects.

The Pentagon budget remains one of the few areas of the budget where substantial cuts can and should be made.

This is an enormous missed opportunity. We don’t need a rearranging of the deck chairs on the Pentagon’s titanic budget. We need fundamental change.

In fiscal year 2023, the U.S. spent 62% of the discretionary budget on military spending, totaling more than $1.1 trillion. This left only 38% of discretionary funding to pay for education, infrastructure, scientific research, diplomacy, agriculture, social programs, and more.

The Pentagon budget remains one of the few areas of the budget where substantial cuts can and should be made. For over two decades, military spending has grown year after year with little regard to actual need. Congress adds money to Presidential requests for military spending, even as it slashes other parts of the budget. In the reconciliation package passed by the House on February 25, this trend continued with congress not only passing an increased military budget, but also adding in an additional $150 billion in new military funding to be spent over two years.

Year after year, Congress gives the military even more money than it has requested. This happens regardless of what party is in power and regardless of other factors that should cause a reassessment of funding levels.

When the brutal U.S. wars in Iraq and Afghanistan finally came to an end, it would have been a natural time to reduce military spending. Instead, Congress added money to the military budget. The Pentagon has failed seven audits in a row and can’t account for over $3 trillion in assets, but still Congress increased the budget. Between 2013 and 2018 the Pentagon returned $80 billion in unspent funds to the Treasury, but in each of these years Congress increased the budget.

Rather than moving funding around, Trump should stick to his word and pursue a 50% reduction in military spending realized through diplomacy and direct engagement with international rivals.

Congress also mandates that the Pentagon provide it with an “unfunded priorities list” so that it can fund even more weapons. This includes funding for weapons systems that don’t work and that the Pentagon has explicitly said it does not need. But lawmakers from both parties continue to advance the interests of military contractors and weapons manufacturers.

Towards the end of his term, President Obama announced plans to spend over a trillion dollars to upgrade the U.S. nuclear arsenal. Today, President Trump is poised to continue this investment in weapons systems that are already powerful enough to end all life on earth. Despite paying lip service to denuclearization, the changes demanded by Hegseth and supported by Trump explicitly exclude cuts to ongoing upgrades to U.S. nuclear weapons systems.

Instead, Trump and Hegseth want to cut military programs to address climate change, a serious concern given the fact that the U.S. military is the largest global institutional producer of greenhouse gasses. Diversity programming is also on the chopping block. These are small budget items that address real world problems. The actual drivers of runaway military spending remain untouched.

And all of this comes as the U.S. has decimated its investments in international diplomacy and development, including conflict prevention programming. Ironically, the total foreign affairs budget that was cut by the Trump administration is just over $50 billion, the same as the amount that is being reprioritized by the Pentagon.

Rather than moving funding around, Trump should stick to his word and pursue a 50% reduction in military spending realized through diplomacy and direct engagement with international rivals. Money saved by such a reduction could easily be reinvested in conflict prevention, development, and poverty reduction abroad as well as green jobs, scientific research, environmental protection, medical research, health care, education, and other needs that benefit all of us.

A grassroots movement is calling on all Americans to abstain from shopping with major retailers—including Amazon—today, February 28, as part of an “economic blackout.”

The purpose is to send a clear message: We have the power. We don’t have to accept corporate monopolies. We don’t have to live with corporate money corrupting our politics.

We don’t have to accept more tax cuts for billionaires. We don’t have to pay more of our hard-earned cash to Elon Musk or Jeff Bezos or Mark Zuckerberg or the other billionaire oligarchs.

Consider this a test run. If lots of people participate, I’m sure a longer one will be organized.

We don’t have to reward corporations that have abandoned their DEI policies to align themselves with President Donald Trump’s racist, homophobic, misogynistic agenda.

We have choices.

Most Americans are struggling to keep up. Most live from paycheck to paycheck. Most can barely afford housing costs, food prices, and pharmaceuticals—kept high by monopolies, and fueled by private equity.

If politicians won’t hear the voices of average Americans who are being shafted by corporate America, we have to deliver our message to corporate America directly.

From midnight February 28 to midnight March 1, please: No Amazon, no Walmart, no Best Buy, no Target, no Disney, no Google, no Facebook. Don’t spend on fast food, major retailers, or gas.

Avoid using credit or debit cards to make nonessential purchases.

Buy essentials such as medicine, food, and emergency supplies, of course, but make those purchases at small, local businesses.

Consider this a test run. If lots of people participate, I’m sure a longer one will be organized.

(Today’s economic blackout is an initiative of The People’s Union USA, which describes itself as a “grassroots movement dedicated to economic resistance, government accountability, and corporate reform.”)

Our social imaginations have failed to keep pace with our technological imaginations. That has left us unguarded against today’s fast-moving, multi-pronged assault on our individual and collective autonomy.

DOGE isn’t just a power play for the levers of government power. It’s also the greatest theft of a public resource in human history. That resource is data: our aggregated data, in the form of research studies, along with some very personal individual information.

In a very real sense, the fight for this data is a fight for the future.

Our Data Belongs to Us

Last year, I wrote a piece for Current Affairs magazine entitled, “The Only Ethical Model for AI is Socialism.” My main argument was, and is, that the “large language models” (LLMs) behind today’s “chatbot” AI are both a public product and a public good. As I wrote then, “LLM AI was created by humans, billions of them, as they used the internet... a chatbot is a collectivity. Because it’s produced by everyone, it can’t ethically be owned by anyone.”

In the 20th century, military juntas seized radio stations whenever their coups began. Today’s data hijackings represent something similar, but with even more draconian implications.

I’m willing to defend that argument with anyone—socialist, Keynesian, or libertarian. In retrospect, however, I probably failed to fully convey the ruthlessness and brutality of Big Tech’s executives. Maybe I didn’t fully believe it myself. Now, everyone can see it.

Which gets us to the news of the day. The dozens of executive orders, the mass firings, the bizarre flurry of unauthorized memos to workers, the name-calling and intimidation: They’re all important. But the data dimension of this assault has been underemphasized. That must change

Elon Musk et al. are thinking big—bigger than most of their opponents can imagine.

The Great Theft

In the 20th century, military juntas seized radio stations whenever their coups began. Today’s data hijackings represent something similar, but with even more draconian implications.

People became rightfully alarmed when “DOGE” apparatchiks, some barely out of their teens, demanded access to federal payment systems. But there’s an even bigger target: information. The federal government’s massive databases have incalculable value. Their data can be used to manipulate public opinion, reshape policy, and accelerate the privatization of public resources. In a real sense, it can be used to reshape reality.

The leaders of DOGE’s tech jugend understand this. They proved that when they shut down more than 8,000 pages from more than a dozen government websites, going well beyond President Donald Trump’s anti-DEI directive. They took down over 3,000 pages from the U.S. Census Bureau, for example—mostly datasets and surveys used in debates about government policy. They also deleted nearly 1,000 pages from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention on innocent topics like preventing chronic disease, early detection of Alzheimer’s, and guidelines for treating sexually transmitted diseases. Some of these deletions may be the work of overzealous youngsters, but there are too many to dismiss as happenstance.

These databases contain collective or amalgamated data—on income, labor status, health, environment, and more. They represent millions of person-hours of research intended to benefit the public, not private entrepreneurs or totalitarian leaders.

Digital Big Brother

The assault on our individual data is equally frightening, if not more so. This data can be used to change our behavior, to target vulnerable groups for exploitation—even for blackmail, if it should come to that.

Take just one resource: health information. The federal government’s health data could be used to profile virtually anyone’s overall health, their past care, their mental state (if treated), and in some cases their sexual or recreational drug preferences. Equally sensitive information can be found at the IRS, the Treasury Department, and throughout government.

This information is also invaluable to Musk and his business associates, providing a competitive advantage that could help them build new monopolies. The highly competitive AI economy runs on data, and the U.S. government is the largest untapped data source in the Western world.

Data is power. If the right-wing coup officiants succeed in seizing it, that power could be theirs forever.

Again, let’s use health as an example. The federal government manages one-third of the U.S. health economy. With that data, a corporation could predict doctor and patient behavior. They could map prescription habits by doctor, doctor specialty, medical facility, and patient. They could project the likelihood of any individual experiencing a costly medical emergency in the next year, which could lead to the return of discriminatory “medical underwriting.”

And that’s just the beginning. With that data, a corporation could name its price with pharmaceutical companies, health insurers, and many other companies. Multiply that by every government database in existence, and you can build an information mega-monopoly. Don’t think Musk and his friends haven’t thought about that.

The data currently being hijacked can also be used to automate federal jobs, potentially on a mass scale. AI isn’t likely to do these jobs well, but making government more efficient isn’t the real goal. The goal is to dismantle government and replace it with private contractors wherever possible.

And who will be best positioned to bid on those automated jobs? The corporation that holds this data—our data.

A Fight for Survival

Without access some of these scientific reports, some people will die. Without the government’s medical, economic, and demographic information, many policy debates will be stifled. And this hijacked data can be used to divide us even more: sick vs. healthy, young vs. old, urban vs. rural, white vs. Black...

The bottom line? Data is power. If the right-wing coup officiants succeed in seizing it, that power could be theirs forever. If we don’t stop them now, we may be unable to stop them later.

Music has always been at the very heartbeat of Black culture. Through harmonies, we have found community. Through lyrics, we have found healing. Through dance, we have found freedom in our bodies. And through the drumbeat of music, we have found resistance.

From the spirituals sung by our ancestors on the very land I stand today, to the hymns sweetly sung in my childhood church, to the bass-rattling house music in gay clubs throughout Houston, music has always connected me to my culture. And suddenly, as things begin to feel more quiet on a national stage, I am reminded that the music of Black and queer voices must keep playing, louder than ever before.

I discovered this month that Black History Month quietly vanished from my Google Calendar. Pride was gone too—a so-called “small” omission that represents something much larger and more sinister. This quiet erasure of history is becoming commonplace in public and private spaces, and it speaks volumes. With the cancellation of the Gay Men’s Chorus at the Kennedy Center, the oppressive tides of “Don’t Say Gay” legislation, the transphobic rhetoric, the defunding of LGBTQ+ healthcare and art, and the anti-DEI movements trying their hardest to erase Black and queer identities, making noise remains an act of rebellion.

Black, queer music cannot be ignored or sanitized or whitewashed or undervalued for the next four years, which means Black, queer creators need to be paid, be on the main stages, be given the mic at the awards ceremonies, and be given their flowers for the culture they sustain.

But the history of Black music cannot be rewritten to fit dominant narratives because it is the history of resistance itself. Church hymns and spirituals carried prayers and codes for the enslaved. Blues gave us a place to voice the injustices we endured. Jazz was birthed from the need for freedom of expression. Hip-hop became our weapon to challenge our oppressors. And our many contributions—too often uncredited—built the foundation for rock, country, pop, house, dance, and so much more.

And queer artists have been pivotal to this story. Billy Strayhorn, Duke Ellington’s openly gay composer, brought undeniable brilliance to the jazz world. Billie Holiday turned her voice into a protest. Little Richard, known fondly as the “King of Rock and Roll,” shattered norms and sang about his desires with the kind of joy that felt revolutionary. Sylvester, the “Queen of Disco,” gave us revolutionary anthems of love and resilience while fighting on the frontlines of the HIV/AIDS epidemic. Gospel music would cease to exist if the Black, queer writers, singers, and composers were erased.

Even today, Black LGBTQ+ artists are breaking records and capturing the world’s attention. Big Freedia is the New Orleans “Queen of Bounce” whose music and style have been sampled by some of the biggest artists today. Lil Nas X is bending genres and expectations for Black male rappers. Doechii captivated everyone watching this year’s Grammys and used her speech as a message of hope for Black and queer creators. These artists are showing that the power of being visible and unrelenting in their truth extends far beyond music charts.

But here’s the truth we can’t ignore—many of the icons that came before them, or are their peers today, still have to hide who they were and are. Societal pressures and safety concerns force them into invisibility. And now fear remains that if billion-dollar industries are cowering to current political climates, what will that mean for Black, queer creators?

That is why it is so important to support Black and queer creators, through hiring, funding, streaming, and screaming their songs at the top of our lungs. Their music doesn’t just entertain; it liberates. It mends spirits and moves people to think, to feel, and to act. It’s an instrument of resistance and a tool to drown out this world’s hate. Black, queer music cannot be ignored or sanitized or whitewashed or undervalued for the next four years, which means Black, queer creators need to be paid, be on the main stages, be given the mic at the awards ceremonies, and be given their flowers for the culture they sustain.

When The Normal Anomaly started BQAF (Black Queer AF) Music Festival in Houston, Texas four years ago, it was not created to be a demonstration. We just believed the power of music could bring people together, and—since no one in Texas had done it before—to center it around Black, queer, and allied artists we loved seemed logical. Now, it is the track list to a freedom song so necessary to repeat to quiet the deafening sounds of hate and fear for the community.

That’s why we’re unapologetically taking up space and taking the stage at this year’s BQAF Music Festival, an all-Black queer and allied lineup. For our fourth iteration, our theme this year is VISIBILITY. This music festival is a love letter to our community and our message to the nation and the world—we won’t be erased or silenced. We will be seen, heard, felt, and celebrated. We are turning the volume all the way up—not just for Houston to hear, but for every person across this country who has been made to feel like their identity does not deserve respect or recognition.

We’ve built momentum as a community. Black, queer artists are out here breaking records, genres, and boundaries. And we will not halt this progress. Just as church hymns carried our ancestors through hardships, our music today carries forward the spirit of every Black, queer person who dared to dream of visibility and freedom. Together, we’ll send a message to every lawmaker and system working against us. They may try to silence us, but Black and queer music will always be louder.

As long as there is air in my lungs, I will have a song to sing that fills the silence with the beauty, resilience, and limitless brilliance of our culture.

I am one of the 11 million undocumented immigrants who refuse to live in the shadows of the United States. Now that President Donald Trump’s policies are violently escalating, it’s critical to understand that none of this is new. Family separations, concentration camps, and the displacement of people are part of a long history of ethnic cleansing disguised as immigration policy. U.S. citizens are only now seeing it for what it’s always been.

I once believed anti-immigrant sentiment stemmed from a misunderstanding or a lack of empathy. But over the last decade, I’ve begun to accept what I need other undocumented people and allies to understand: U.S. citizenship is not the answer. True liberation for undocumented people will never come from assimilating into a colonial system built on our oppression. Instead, we must center the fight for Indigenous sovereignty, recognizing that dismantling these colonial ways of existing in the world—not gaining U.S. citizenship—is the key to our collective liberation.

At its core, U.S. citizenship is a legal and political status that grants individuals rights and privileges in exchange for adhering to certain laws and being loyal to its institutions. While it’s often framed as a beacon of belonging, security, and inclusion, in practice citizenship has functioned as a tool of exclusion. Programs like Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA), introduced by former President Barack Obama in 2012, highlight this tension, offering relief to some while reinforcing the “good immigrant” versus “bad immigrant” narrative.

Citizenship alone won’t free us—but solidarity will.

I was sitting in my high school English class when the program was first announced. What started as hope quickly devolved into disappointment when I realized I was ineligible due to when I arrived in the United States. To qualify, applicants must have arrived before age 16, lived in the U.S. continuously since 2007, and meet education or military service requirements. They must also pass background checks. These requirements underscore that only undocumented individuals who contribute to the U.S. economy through intellectual achievements or who advance the nation’s war machine are deemed worthy of living without the constant fear of deportation.

While DACA has shifted the material realities of some young undocumented people by providing work permits, it simultaneously puts them in danger. Recipients must voluntarily disclose their undocumented status to federal authorities, submitting fingerprints, addresses, and other personal information—a process that must be renewed every two years. Despite being billed as a relief program, DACA inadvertently creates a new system of surveillance targeting undocumented youth.

The disclosure of personal information not only risks recipients’ safety but also discourages resistance. With their standing in the U.S. contingent on being “productive” and “deserving,” DACA recipients are pressured to become complacent and silent about the broader criminalization of undocumented people. Immigration and Customs Enforcement has targeted undocumented activists from across the country in retaliation for their advocacy efforts. Thus, DACA is not merely a program meant to protect; it also functions as a system to surveil and neutralize a whole generation of young people.

At the same time Obama instituted the DACA program, his administration also militarized the border and expanded deportations. The actions of the so-called “Deporter-in-Chief” demonstrate that programs like DACA are insidiously compatible with anti-immigrant sentiment. By creating a distinction between so-called “good” and “bad” immigrants, citizenship divides our community and reinforces the narrative that our worth is conditional. We are reduced to exploitable and expendable resources, mere cogs in a capitalist system.

Moving forward, we must center the material realities of undocumented people who don’t have an immediate path toward legal citizenship on the horizon. As a short-term strategy, we must continue to support harm-reducing legislation such as the New Way Forward Act, which severs ties between the immigration and carceral systems. In the longer term, we must also attend to Land Back movements, acknowledging that Indigenous people are the rightful stewards of this land.

Citizenship alone won’t free us—but solidarity will. When we reject the state’s power to define who belongs, and instead build systems of care that honor all people’s right to exist and thrive, we move toward real justice. Our futures are intertwined, and only by dismantling these violent structures together can we create the world we all deserve.